Lies about the Catholic Church are foundation myths, on which the full systemic device of the 3rd Republic of Poland was based.
Their guards, propaganda and beneficiaries were not only Wojtyla and Glemp, serial pedophiles and their cover-up scandals superiors, Radio Maryja and PiS, Opus Dei and Ordo Iuris, Muniek Staszczyk and Uncle Samo Evil, but besides Boniecki and Mazowiecki, Matczak and Stawiszynski, ‘Common Weekly’ and Magazine Contact, the alleged open church and the alleged laick left.
At the same time, the false which ate up all sphere of public life in Poland after 1989, based on the imagination of a conflict "we" versus "they", in which the forces of the Polish People's Republic and the National Catholic Alliance of the Church and "Solidarity" clashed, did not experience a solid communicative counterbalance.
These are respective conclusions from reading 2 monumental books by Marcin Kościelniak – late published by the Publishing home of Political Critics Abortion and Democracy and published in 2018 by the Theatre Institute Selfish. 3rd road in Polish culture of the 1980s.
I am embarrassed to admit that until late I did not know the achievements of Kościelniak. Polish theatre, which Kościelniak deals with on a regular basis as a investigator at the Jagiellonian University and deputy editor-in-chief of the “Didaskali”, has long not been associated with the revolutionary, far left message.
Meanwhile, both of these books are, in my opinion, the absolute canon of the latest political literature in Poland, an awesome impetus to the indictment, showing what ends with the over-indulgence of spiritual hallucinations of politicians and the infinite, systematic and lasting decades of impudence and clerical violence, not only symbolic.
Church and Church Church
The summing up of both books would pass with the intent of this text – that is to say, convincing you of the untapped political possible of an anti-cleric alternate to a praying establishment – but for transparency it is worth briefly telling about the ambitions of each of them.
W Egoists Kościelniak looks at the art of the 1980s and the ecclesiastical environment. As already noted in the first sentence, it is adequate to view the beginning photos to empathize with the Catholic hysteria, which then hung over Poland.
The title "third road" and the work of the Culture Environment analysed in this context are few, but all the more crucial attempts by the creators of critical art after a war state outside the hellish duopol of the weakening PZPR and the powerful crime syndicate created by the Church and "Solidarity". After reading, you will realize how insolent it is to intercept and neutralize the "third way" by the Holovnia, a church scout surviving on the property of influential members of Opus Dei, and the ultra-Catholic extremist Kosiniak-Kamish.
In turn, thanks to the latest book Kościelniak, it will become clear why Adam Michnik is willing to throw everything and on the cover of “Gazeta Wyborcza” to defend John Paul II just after revealing evidence that the ultraconservative defective CEO knew about the giant scale of pedophilia and its hiding within the ranks of his organization.
With almost 50 years of Michnik's collaboration with the Church, cooperation between Wałęsa and SB is simply a tragical episode not worth mentioning, and Kościelniak's book is much more uncomfortable for the chief Polish dissident than all right-wing rumblings or Robert Krasowski's book.
W Abortion and democracy – The first part of the project, the second part of which will be a book on the past of women's opposition – the author creates a counter-history, dating back to the early 1950s and even more dreamy stages of the "dreamed revolution" – the admissibility of abortion as the emancipative accomplishment of authoritarian communism and counter-reformative, while complying with Stalinist standards of the law prohibiting abortion from 1956.
If you think you already know adequate about abortion and its absolutely crucial importance for the state-sanctioned hatred of women, you will be amazed to follow the actions of various "holy" – Catholic and secular – to arrange Poland, the effects of which we inactive observe today.
Tusk and Black Fear
Why would I want politicians and politicians to read the Church and learn as far as possible from it? Just look at actors and actresses approaching the grand steps of the presidential campaign.
Even at the phase of the primaries in the PO, there were voices that the organization should bet on Radosław Sikorski alternatively than Rafal Trzaskowski, due to the fact that the second would gotta fight against accusations of removing crosses, not to mention supporting LGBT+ people.
Let us leave for a minute to consider whether, in fact, in this duo, the greater atheus is the Trzaskowski, on whom the “action with crosses” of anticlericals with foam on their lips, specified as me or Paulina JanuszewskaThey can only respond with empty laughter. In an effort to present the president of Warsaw as a godless by the politicians of PiS, PO staff corresponds to a polite underculpation of the tail and sends back for the interview, in which Trzaskowski declares Catholicism. Onet then checks that No cross has disappeared (mainly due to the fact that they have not been there for years, besides during the ultra-Catholic regulation of Hanna Gronkiewicz-Waltz) – but the "defendation" of the fight for bimillion-dollar secularism, the multicultural capital was dismissed, can be relieved.
After all, since the beginning of its existence, the Platform has been doing everything to avoid offending the “black” – like a clergy among trusted collaborators Prime Minister Tusk is to express himself. The PO chief himself just before the 2005 presidential election took a church wedding and put a crucifix as large as an elephant in his apartment, but inactive failed to win with the sympathetic Kaczyński brothers. Many years later, for in 2021, Tusk during a debate with readers He declared: “I will work hard on the separation of the state and the Church. There should be no crosses in schools, public offices or parliament on walls.”
As usual in the case of Tusk, revolutionary enthusiasm has subsided with reaching for power, but it is worth considering what precisely prevented the implementation of the minimum demands announced in the run in 2023, even towards secularism. Why the PO agrees to acquiesce laughing worthy of laws on the abolition of penalties for abortion aid, Barbara Nowacka announces the regulation of spiritual lessons to 1 week as an incredible success and convinces that without indoctrination on catechies freed from compulsory housework children will not realize anything from literature and history, and for 2025 a evidence transfer to the Church Fund was planned, i.e. the bonus for the property taken from the Church during the PRL.
The reports of Jacks of this planet show that the cowardice of the government and the Prime Minister is primarily behind this strategy. It is worth remembering that Tusk is simply a 100 percent solitary – in the heart of the heart surviving long-old and exposed by Kościelniak fairy tales about the affirmative function of the Church in the overthrow of the commune, and above all shaking before the clerical electorate – as if voters uncritically accepting the words and patronage of the "black" were not on the another side at least from Smolensk, and alternatively irreversibly.
Obsessive fear of insulting spiritual feelings and the hope of dragging even a percent of praying Poles to the side of the “liberaries” is proof that politicians can order investigation of the best possible pollers to confirm their intuitions, but are incapable to look around and accept the most trivial conclusions – that Catholics have put on the Law as Stawiszyński on Christianity and in this clientelistic arrangement they have gone besides deep to freak out with the Trzaskowski Dominican option fanatics.
The pond where the left should fish
Tusk is present almost at the age of Czesław Miłosz at the time erstwhile the author was getting Nobel and turning more and more towards Wojtyła, he is besides much older than Andrzej Wajda at the threshold of his God-fathered haunting – he is not the only large Polish head whose past and characteristic weaknesses led to the mistake of church service.
But erstwhile pseudoliberals from the PO fight Catoendeks with PiS about the mythical 80–90 percent of the population pounding like smoke for Sunday mass, it is worth considering what the remainder of us gotta offer. due to the fact that even if we take polling and fiery declarations of devotion to the Catholic God, there are inactive 10–20 percent without political representation. For the majority of the parties in Poland, they are rather tasty, considering that 14 percent of the votes cast in the elections are adequate to be the 3rd force in the Sejm.
And surely left-wing parties would be able to cut for about 15% today. And it's not about any naive rule – truth, good and beauty – it's about electoral specifics. Although, of course, given the pedophile scandals, the full engagement of the clergy on the side of the far right, the attack on minorities, the powerful wealth and the endless series of scandals, specified as selling to Prime Minister Morawiec land at a low price, not to mention the hatred of women, printed in contemporary Catholicism as well as cutting social spending into the identity of the palaeoliberals, a small decency even to politicians would not harm.
It is hard to imagine that the voters of the erstwhile election will turn distant from the fresh Left or Together after pressing an anticlerical pedal. How show the investigation from October, It is the left-wing voters – and right behind them the PO voters – who are most critical of the Church.
Moreover, among those 41% of respondents who have a bad opinion of the Church, the largest group are those in the age scope 18-24, as well as “the residents of large and major cities, respondents who are best educated, representatives of management and specialists, administrative and office staff, technicians and mediate staff, private entrepreneurs and respondents who receive advanced per capita income (from PLN 4000 or more)”. That is, the electorate, which in fresh years was most frequently associated with the left.
But not only – polarization between supporters and critics of the Church breaks down about equally in each age group. The activity of the Church besides negatively assesses 45 percent of the questions raised in the age scope 35–44 and 45–54, 35 percent in the scope 55–64 and 31 percent older than 65.
If you were to take it seriously The doctor's fanpage data advises, In Poland, there are more critical assessors Catholic Church than Polish men washing their hands after leaving the toilet (which, if we look at newer government data, There's 50 percent. – not long ago churchgosceptians were approaching this ceiling). At the same time, they are people whose politicians treat as insignificant, devoid of subjectivity and their own opinion plankton, which is not worth talking to and which is not worth any bows.
Persistent persistence of the Concordate deal
The parties declaring themselves left-wing believed that the dark people of Catholicism stood and the bant – this was due, among another things, to conservative Suflers from the inclusively understood alt-left – pseudo-people's Okraseks, the powdered Catholicist Marcin Gielzak and diversionists from the "Open Church". fresh Left and Together believed popular subcasters and niche publishers that "woke", understood as human rights and number rights – is just a disincentive flower to the goat's economy, which most interests the average Pole and on which he best professes.
Therefore, not very extremist views Together for a secular state ended where radically advanced taxes – in a software freezer, the corners of the website. Therefore, president Alexander Oweka may flush out all liberal thought in the toilet, announcing the tightening of the anti-liberal course, and Adrian Zandberg will make a pass to Pauliny Matysiak and her PiS buddies. Another “antiliberal” organization after 8 years of reactionary and antiliberal PiS regulation with authoritarian tendencies? I don't know about you, but I'll thank you.
The approach to throwing out worldview issues beyond the brackets of a serious political debate is simply a major defeat of left-wing political projects in this decade, but the roots of this debate that scope the Polish People's Republic importantly strengthened the policies of Alexander Kwasniewski and the SLD in the first years after the circular Table.
I was talking about recently with Michał Sutowski, author of the political biography of Kwasniewski, who told why the only left-wing president, despite the deficiency of competition, was not as eager to fish in an anti-cleric pond as Danuta Waniak or Izabella Sierakowska – due to the fact that he wanted to become the father of the Polish Constitution, for which support of the strong Church was essential at the time.
Today the Catholic Church in Poland is much weaker, which is due to inexorably, though besides slow progressive laicisation And that in fresh years he's turned into an outhouse late pushed to the PiS defensive. The constitution is expected to be, but as the last years have shown, no 1 is praying to it besides much – so there is no request for it to become a hostage in the secret interests of Polish parties with the Vatican. fresh Left – SLD heiress – and Together can already argue priests without hazard – as Anna Maria Żukowska, from the position of the opposition, was able to endanger with a finger sitting in the Sejm benches and the highest offices Opus Dei.
Therefore, we are sorry to look at Magdalene Biejat's first steps as a presidential candidate as a supporter of the current government and bidding on the breadth of a grin with the chosen largest government party. surviving in the Old Town area, I'd most likely gotta consider a devoted old man, Trzaskovsky, but I'd alternatively take a diet of my old socks. than to vote for a Catholic. That's why all I'm left with right now is simply a rule and anti-ecclesiastical Piotr Szmulewicz.
Return of class premise
Abortion and democracy reminded me of the class aspect of Polish anti-clericalism over the last century, whose roots were described by Michał Rauszer in the book Popular anti-clericism. An Untelled History.
While prior to 1939 the little privileged layers of society felt aversion to the Church, due to the fact that they treated the clergy as equal to “gentlemen”, so much so “when the court ceased to exist, the parish priest ceased to be his ally. In the People's Poland anti-clericism as a mass phenomenon began to vanish due to the deficiency of its class premises" – as quoted by Kościelniak Aleksander Merker in 1979. Cardinal Wyszyński besides understood Marxist awareness of the benefits of taking assets from the Church in the first years after the war.
Kościelniak's lesson shows that this is not a uniform communicative about anti-cleric peasants who, after moving to the cities after the war, turned to the national Catholic Devotion after the war. But today, thanks to many concessions, powerful transfers, shamelessness of Rydzyk and another clerical nouvres fed by the 3rd Polish Republic, thanks to the Church Fund and conducted by the Church interests with power, the class premise slow returns to favors.
The destiny of anti-clerical media, parties and initiatives has varied over the past 35 years. Urban's "No" for a long time had a noticeable effect on public opinion, even if the weekly was read in hiding. The Labour Union or "No Dogma" for a minute provided a narrow intelligent group with a sense of community and a tiny outlet for frustration resulting from the collapse of the request for secularism with political imposibilism and waiting for the Catholic hierarchy.
Janusz Palikot, with an eclectic mix of ganja, primitive liberalism and noble anti-clericism, won 10 percent of the vote in the 2011 parliamentary election, and a minute later 40 1000 people were enrolled in the organization starting under the banners of the secular state – the consequence was unthinkable for all left-wing parties together – among them specified as Robert Biedron, Wanda Nowicka, Andrzej Rozenek and Łukasz Gibala. Celery Smarzowski and Just don't tell anyone. The Sekielskis showed the masses clearly what they already knew, but at the same time proved that it was possible to talk out loud about the lawlessness and to be heard.
Today, erstwhile Urban is dead, and Palikot watches the planet from behind bars, clergy supporters of keeping their paws distant from the state seem pushed to the defensive. But this is only a part of the fact – apart from researching independent centres and hundreds of conversations that I conducted with Poles and Poles throughout the country, I see it regularly, When on Political Critics.pl or books of our publishing house We compose about the Church and its crimes. Enthusiasms accompanying these publications, as well as the anti-abortionist protests known as “no god nor master”, seem worthy of my development. Even if the march through the institutions must take any time, it is worth to start cutting off the Church from money, institution and lawmaking to be able to think about ending its toxic relation with the state.
There was no Cold spiritual War
Marcin Kościelniak shows in Abortion and democracy, why the word “cold spiritual war” whose historians and political scholars usage to find the fresh order and the place that the Church has occupied after 1989 – and thus the discussions on religion in schools, concordat"respecting Christian values" or abortion is manipulation. There could not be any war, due to the fact that the male-dominated environment of the erstwhile opposition and the Church spoke with 1 voice.
There never was any “Open Church“ Although Father Boniecki and his men inactive function as church sleepers, active mainly on the occasion of extremist anti-abortion enhancements, specified as in 2020, dividing hair into 4 and hands of his servants offering at most another the version of ‘compromise’.
If you think about any war with the Church, it means that that coalition, whose power remains in Poland until today, has been a complete success. But if you inactive imagine that the rights of women, the curriculum in schools or the model of life are not dictated by older men in collars, you should start packing your backpacks and prepare to face the church occupier – not the “cold” but the full war.
