Hungary before next year's election: will Mi Hazánk succeed?

Mi Hazánk Party, or Our Homeland, has just announced a full list of its 106 candidates in the upcoming parliamentary elections scheduled for 2026. This is an crucial minute for the group, which in erstwhile elections won unexpectedly seats in parliament and gained the opinion of the most nationalist and anti-systemic group on the political phase of Hungary. The announcement of specified a broad list of candidates is not only a motion of political confidence, but besides a signal that the organization intends to fight for the position of 3rd political force in the country.

The list of candidates was presented publically by organization leader László Toroczekia, who for years has been the most recognizable face of the group and 1 of Hungary's most colourful politicians. In his accompanying presentation of the candidates, Toroczkai stressed that Mi Hazánk is the only organization in the country that is not subject to force either on the left or on the right side of the political scene, and that intends to keep ideological independence. Candidates come from different regions of the country, representing both smaller towns and larger urban centres, which is to emphasize the nationwide nature of the traffic. The leader's speech featured themes powerfully rooted in Mi Hazánk's rhetoric: opposition to globalisation, promotion of conventional values, defence of national identity and fight against corruption of political elites. Torokki besides spared no criticism of the ruling Fidesz, accusing him “political corruption and hypocrisy". In particular, he pointed out the problem of media monopolization, the deficiency of financial transparency and, in his opinion, façade reforms, which would only cement the power of the current ruling team. He assured that Mi Hazánk would not go back a step, even in the face of attempts at marginalization by mainstream media.

In his speech, Toroczekia did not deficiency harsh words to the European Union, which he referred to as “a threat to national sovereignty”. According to him, Hungary should quit its passive submission to the EU directives and set its own direction of development, peculiarly in the field of agricultural, energy and education policy. In his opinion, the Hungarian people, not abroad institutions, should decide what the Hungarian economy, culture and law looks like.

Mi Hazánk emphasizes that each of 106 candidates is prepared to run an independent election run in their district, regardless of the strength of competition. The organization declares that it intends not to enter into any tactical agreements either with Fidesz or with an opposition coalition centered around the Tisza party. According to Toroczekia's declaration, no of these forces represent the authentic interests of the Hungarian people. Mi Hazánk is to put in direct contact with voters, local meetings, social media and software publications, in which the fight for the sovereignty of the state, control of natural resources, strict criminal law and opposition to all forms of ideological social engineering is clearly highlighted.

Among the candidates are both well-known political activists and individuals so far outside the large policy. An example is Zoltán Tóth, a doctor from Debreczyn, who has been operating in local local local structures for years and has become celebrated as a critic of wellness reforms imposed by Budapest. In Borsod-Abaúj-Zemplén district, Erika Nagy, a teacher and parent of 3 children, has been moving an association supporting home education and a conventional model of education for years. Another candidate is László Varga, a farmer from the Csongrád-Csanád region, known for his protests against abroad agricultural land buyouts. Each of these characters emphasizes in their run local roots, individual experiences and a direct knowing of the problems of average Hungarians.

The presentation of candidates took place in the atmosphere of political mobilization. The organization leaders argue that Mi Hazánk is the only genuine alternate to the arrangement that they believe has concreted the Hungarian political scene. They point out that Fidesz, despite its declared right-wingness, pursues clientelistic and pro-corporate policy, while opposition parties represent the interests of Brussels and global elites. Mi Hazánk candidates are expected to implement the “national recovery programme” which involves renationalisation of strategical sectors of the economy, decentralisation of power, support for agriculture and protection of conventional household model. In practice, this means continuing the programme line that the organization has been presenting since its inception, but with a clear shift of accents from identity rhetoric to socio-economic issues.

It is worth noting that Mi Hazánk's strategy assumes strong local roots. Each candidate is to run based on the specificity of his region, addressing problems close to everyday life of residents: food prices, access to wellness care, infrastructure status, education level. Unlike the general slogans of the ruling or the large urban rhetoric of the opposition, Mi Hazánk tries to introduce himself as a organization of average people. For this reason, many candidates are non-great political – local activists, teachers, entrepreneurs, farmers.

The 2026 run will be a circumstantial test of political maturity for Mi Hazánk. The party, which grew out of the extremist circles of Jobbiku, gradually transforms into a more organized group and a circumstantial program. It retains a extremist speech of speech, but increasingly tries to show itself as a constructive political force. In fresh months, her representatives have been invited to public debates and expert panels, which shows that the group is gaining any legitimacy in wider discourse.

To conclude, it is worth looking at the polling situation. According to the latest public opinion poll of August Mi Hazánk can number on support of the order of 6 -7%, making it the 4th force in the country. If the growth trend persists, the group can actually influence the post-election power arrangement and become 1 of the acting actors in the fresh parliament.