The tensions we see present on the subject migration, you can't keep indefinitely at the current level, the wave of agitation will yet fall. However, it will return regularly until the next election: the right will surely exploit all migration crisis, all conflict situation at the border, all crime committed by migrants.
Poland's left must so take the position of the next electoral cycle – another parliamentary run that starts now on a good origin – to specify itself on the subject of migration and anti-emmigrant, more or little openly racist and xenophobic language. So is it essential to answer the question whether to stand firm on the ground of certain universalistic values and human rights, or, given the realities and social sentiments, to set ourselves differently in the debate on migration?
Problem Together
It seems to be a peculiar problem for the Together. After leaving the government, the organization not only lined up in a strong contrast to Tusk's cabinet, reaching for the language of left populism – I usage this word descriptively, not valuable – but besides moved to the alt-left side. She began to accentuate patriotism a small more, reinforced the message about a strong country, from which Poles could be proud. She was besides clearly trying to scope out for a young electorate, who is not necessarily left-wing – or even curious in politics adequate to sit in the right-left spectrum – but is pissed off, anti-systemic, tired of PiS and PO and wants to support individual who flips the table.
It's hard to tell how much it worked out, and how much Zandberg simply mobilized people with already leftist views. However, no uncertainty the organization in these regions will effort to look for voters. From the beginning, she dreamed unsuccessfully of reaching for the young electorate of the folk class from the province, which in Poland has been organizing the politically anti-systemist right for more than a decade; after voters fearing that migrants would take their jobs or lower their standards.
The issue of migration will surely not facilitate the fight for a akin voter. It is hard to fight for a possible electorate with Mentzen, erstwhile on migration a radically different language is spoken, completely next to the emotions that the extremist right evokes around it.
Together, of course, it did not abruptly become a organization talking about migration even the language of Danish social democracy. But there's a change of accents. A year ago, 2 years ago, against the current anti-immigrant reinforcement, together, it would have taken a very expressive, hard position, claiming human rights, telling a decisive non-racism that had been poured out at rallies on Saturday.
Today, organization politicians asked about this by journalists are clearly cut off from demonstrations specified as those on Saturday, branding racism and mocking idiotic ideas that safety could supply us with hate-inspiring kibols. However, it is hard to defy the impression that in fresh days the organization lacked clear, strong message: demonstrations against migrants do not talk on our behalf, we do not agree with the concept of Poland for Poles.
Redirect discussion
Together he tries, instead, to decision the discussion about migration to another, more favorable area. On July 12, Adrian Zandberg published “Super Express” text, in which he argued that the real problem with migration in Poland is not about what Bąkiewicz says, but about the fact that it has been controlled by the state for over a decade, but by business, especially by "sharp labour agencies".
All thanks to the 2011 decision of the PO, which the strategy of issuing worker visas has put into the hands of the "international intermediation corporations". As a result, according to the leader Together, “pathological employment agencies brought people working for pennies to companies across the country, after respective hours a day, with complete disregard of the labour code, and frequently with deficiencies in key papers legalising their stay in Poland. All you had to do was pay intermediaries to replace consulates." The Law and Justice did not reconstruct state control over migration, and any of the people associated with it even earned money on the strategy introduced by the predecessors – see the “visa scandal”.
Zandberg concludes: "Unfortunately, alternatively of talking about the real problem, we are dealing with Mr Bąkiewicz and recording racist videos of freakfighters posing as border guards". In another words, alternatively of arguing whether it was the PiS or the PO that allowed more migrants, alternatively of having an abstract dispute over whether we should be an open or closed society for migration, we should talk about the party's favourite subject together: "a inexpensive cardboard country". Taking care only of business interests, sacrificing on the altar private profits of both Polish workers and migrants.
Merytorically, Together is very right about the agency. This is simply a real problem that needs to be addressed in a comprehensive migration policy. The question is, is it possible to transfer anger to migration and fear of “invasion” to “patostate”? Will the conversation about a country that is not working miss out on the fearsome social emotion? Or, on the another hand, will specified setting up of discussions erstwhile xenophobia is becoming increasingly loud in public space not be regarded by the most identity voters of the left as a departure from the ideals the left should defend in public space, no substance how it does not offend the electorate it seeks?
Government left besides has a problem
A small different language towards the wave of right-wing xenophobia proposes the association of Magdalena Biejat Joint Tomorrow. On her Facebook page, she published a graphic that “don't let yourself be manipulated about migration”, asking the question “what if the victim of the sensation on migrants” is “Your dark-skinned robot dude [...] or your child’s classmate”? Later, the post verifies the right-wing claims on migration and crime relationships.
The problem is that social paranoia around migration cannot simply be checked. He will surely not see people who are already into xenophobic emotions. Although, of course, 1 of the tasks facing liable policies is to propose a discussion on socially crucial knowledge-based issues and facts alternatively than disinformation.
However, the government left has another problem. There is simply a government that is politically rather helpless erstwhile faced with the initiative of the xenophobic rightist, either retreating from its force or trying to take over its language itself, hoping that in this way it will take distant its oxygen, mostly unsuccessfully. This is best seen in the case of a change in approach to Centres for the Integration of Foreigners – for which Together rightly criticizes the government.
Institutions designed to integrate migrants, established by the Law and Justice, abruptly began to be attacked not only by the right, but besides by any government coalition politicians, with Władysław Kosiniak-Kamish at the head. Local KO politicians do not want integration centres. There is an expanding hazard that a government camp, giving way to right-wing hysteria, will simultaneously undermine migration policy, which could aid to avoid the problems arising from migration in Western countries.
By co-creating specified a cabinet, the government's left will be hard to act as the only sensible, knowledge-based voice on migration. The more the government moves to migration law, the more political the price will be paid by the Left.
It would be naive to abandon a certain idealism
On the right side there is simply a clearer voice: we do not want any migration! Certainly, not from Africa, not from the mediate East, but from the Confederate politicians, they do not like Ukrainians, from Central Asia, the Indian Peninsula, Latin America, and East Asia, frequently praised as a origin of "model migration", would besides rise their concerns. The Polish programme closed to migration is completely unrealistic for demographic, social and economical reasons and all government, even with Prime Minister Mentzen at the head, will let migrants under pressure. At most, it will pretend, as PiS did in 2015–23, that there are no migrants in Poland, there are only “temporary workers”.
The answer to the question of migration, however, has the advantage that although there is no point, it is simple and ignites emotions. The left-wing consequence must be more complicated. It must take into account the humanitarian dimension and various economical interests, the needs of the labour marketplace and the protection of the rights and interests of those already surviving here. It is good that the left is increasingly beginning up to a discussion about the desired and undesirable model of migration and integration and the problems associated with them – that it is no longer naive on this issue.
At the same time, the more the full political scene, including the PO, will decision to the right, towards a model of closed society, the more lonely the electorate will remain, which is inactive emotionally attached to open Poland (which does not mean: applying a policy of completely open borders) where a dark-skinned individual can feel free on the street, Muslims can freely celebrate their holidays, and people from all over the planet come to learn and work for the benefit of all curious people. specified a imagination is surely idealistic. Political naivety, however, would be not to manage this idealism and the emotions associated with it – due to the fact that Bąkiewicz with Bosak truly do not talk about migration on behalf of all Poles, or possibly not even on behalf of the majority.
