Rafał Trzaskowski, gathering Zenk Martyniuk, Adrian Zandberg in a white red scarf cheering for our jumpers under the large Krokwa, Sławomir Mentzen traveling around all counties, finally: Magdalena Biejat trying to position herself as a “girl from the neighbourhood” – erstwhile there are more and more akin images in the media, that means that we are entering an election campaign. A time erstwhile politicians do not spare the effort to show the electorate that despite the power and honors, government limousines and summit meetings, they have kept in contact with how they live and what average Poles think, that they share with them the same everyday life.
Presidential campaigns are peculiarly conducive to specified a “signalisation of the state”. In them, Poles from the first presidential elections in 1990 almost all time elected "a affirmative one" – a candidate emanating with his ownness, on the 1 hand, on the another hand crossing it. individual who can be recognized, with all our flaws and limitations, who does not look down on us and, on the another hand, satisfies our aspirations for something better, something more.
From an electrician with Noble to the perfect son-in-law of the chief of simple school from the region town
In 1990, the familiarity and aspiration merged in the paradoxical figure of the electrician with Noble – a mustached union leader with a decisively non-inteligent way of being, rested in the American legislature as a large figure embodiment of the triumph of the freedom aspirations of the nations of the erstwhile east Bloc over the government of real socialism and standing on its watch over the russian empire.
Wałęsa was at the same time his own, individual whom all Pole could meet at his aunt's home on the names or communion of a godson, and at the same time a figure of historical dimension. His biography – as he commented in 1 of his own. songs Jacek Kaczmarski – a fairy tale “from a peasant king” was implemented. From the beginning it was apparent that in the clash with Wałęsa politicians specified intelligent and so profoundly rooted in the environmental habits and rituals of the intelligent Warsaw, as Tadeusz Mazowiecki, would be without a chance.
Five years later, however, Poles needed a different mix of familiarity and aspiration. And much better than Wałęsa – whose daily, unforced foreignity began to torment the public more and more – Aleksander Kwasniewski could supply it. In the 1995 campaign, the then leader of the SLD, on the 1 hand, was able to scope out to disco polo – a species over which the intelligent media performed exorcisms as intensely as the execution of the priests of the catechists on Black Sabbath and another "stanist bands" – and present themselves crediblely as a candidate against whom the Warsaw salons swore themselves; and on the another hand to propose an aspirational, modernizing imagination of a better, more European Poland, then inactive buried in the scrap of the beginnings of transformation.
No another president and most likely no another Polish politician can better implement the "her plus" model than Kwasniewski. The closest was Tusk in the parliamentary run in 2007. In a tv debate Prior to the election, the leader of the PO knocked out Jarosław Kaczyński, introducing himself as a guy who, unlike the president of the Law and Justice Office, raises children, moves around Poland with his own car, not a government limousine, has a life outside politics.
Three years later, Jarosław Kaczyński lost again to a better fit in the model of a "wojak plus" politician, Bronisław Komorowski, who, despite all his noble parantels in 2010, entered the function of the nation's favourite mustached uncle. A comparative who may be doing better than the remainder of the household and standing a small above her, but he has not forgotten where he came from and remains ours.
However, as everyone who was placed next to specified an uncle at a household event knows, despite all the sympathy after a fewer hours we start to get sick of him, and in 2015 Poles had adequate of Komorowski. They chose a younger version of their own plus in the form of Andrzej Duda.
While Komorowski was, until then, the nation's favourite uncle, Duda became the perfect electoral son-in-law of the run PiS: a spiritual school chief in a region town, employees of the lower-level administration, retired nurse.
Duda appeared in both of his campaigns as on the 1 hand individual with whom you could comfortably have Sunday dinner, not afraid that he would look down on the dishes or our manners at the table, and on the another hand represents a somewhat better world, which is the subject of our aspirations. It must be given to the current president, that he showed real talent in uncovering meetings in the region Poland, among the folk electorate, although he was raised in the household of Kraków profesura.
Who's gonna win this time?
In fact, the only president who never tried to enter into the model of "his plus" was Lech Kaczyński. Despite his tendency to penal populism and individual conflicts with a large part of the intelligent elite, he emphasized his professorial distinction. He was a celebrity for the intelligent habitat and the Żoliborski pedigree. Like anyone else, he besides paid attention to the majesty of his office and his presidential person, which provoked mockery of opponents and public opinion. Kaczyński's presidency tragically interrupted Smolensk, had it not been for this disaster, this kind of presidency would have most likely been rejected by voters in 2010.
Because in addition to the unique run of 2005, the model of a "goody plus" remains the key to the Polish presidency. It's clearly being played by all this year's candidates. It is the least to the left. Magda Biejat inaugurated the campaign, presenting herself as “a girl from the neighbourhood”. However, the communication trying to fill this slogan with content froze after a very unsuccessful clip, in which Biejat, though, occurs in the average kitchen and talks about butter prices, does so completely detached from the experiences of average people in a language, trying to explain the increase in dairy product prices by speculation on global food markets and future contracts.
Zandberg's image in the scarf among the jumping fans was not a bad idea, but the leader Together – despite all the angry, populist speech of his run – leads in these elections the communication reaching mainly the very tiny niche in Poland you expressed left-wing intelligence. most likely little many than the electorate of Grzegorz Braun, which we will shortly see.
Better with the reconciliation of self-government and aspiration Sławomir Mentzen is doing fine.. The erstwhile service a pite beer with supporters and accompanied by many events involving a Confederate candidate the atmosphere of the event in a method college dormitory. The second – doctorate and rich for Polish conditions Mentzen's estate.
Szymon Holovnia in 2020 very successfully entered the presidential race as a "ordinary guy" outside of politics, who has adequate idle disputes between the 2 major parties and is doing live on Facebook to tell everyone: it can't go on like this. The energy from the 2020 Holowna campaign, however, seems to be unrecognizable today. For example, due to the fact that he is no longer a non-political person, but a talker of the Sejm, formally a second individual in the state.
The function of a “normal man” who is entering the run to say “how is” this year will possibly be occupied by Krzysztof Stanowski. However, while the Holovnia entered politics in 2020, representing the hope that it could be repaired, Stanowski offers his supporters only nihilistic recoil from how deep a political swamp we all are in.
Finally, the game of familiarity plus is led by 2 major candidates who will most likely meet in the second round. Konrad Nawrocki doesn't gotta make up for his ownness, he emanates it all. At the same time, it is simply a kindness that we have not seen in the Polish politics: "Ziomalska", settlement-kibolska, sebixowa. It can be a problem even for any of the older electorate of the right, alternatively awaiting from a presidential candidate any other, more distinguished and serious forms. On the another hand, Nawrocki's "kibolism" can aid him to make contact with a younger, folk, not necessarily a PiS electorate who, if curious in politics at all, is mainly watching Confederate politicians on Tik Toku and YouTuba.
Nawrocki, in turn, has a real problem with aspiration and, in order to add a plus to his character, will request something more than highlighting the title of doctor at all step. Rafał Trzaskowski has the other problem as a Warsaw politician, a individual from an artistic elite family, a student of Bronisław Geremek, studying Edgar Morin's thought under his direction – of course in French.
This year, the president of Warsaw run decided to face the problem of the large-town elite of the KO candidate. In fact, since Trzaskowski won the primaries, and surely since he was officially announced as a candidate of KO in Gliwice, he has been performing a "conservative-people's turn". It boasts Polish cuisine, tells about mining banners, bypasses districts and meets with the wheels of agrarian housekeepers.
This is simply a rational move, the question is whether the staff of Trzaskowski with him exaggerates whether he will overheat the subject before the elections. PiS, the full anti-liberal right and microgroups of alt-left number that Trzaskowski, trying to introduce himself to Poles as a kind person, residing in the same everyday life as they, will only make fun of himself. However, it is worth remembering that in 2020, in the second round, he collected more than 10,018 million votes, which shows that even in conditions of hostile fire by the Duda-playing TVP could effectively scope beyond the electorate from a large-town liberal bubble.
Will this year, moving to a conservative-people side, rise adequate votes to win in the second round? We'll see. For now, Nawrocki seems to be a much little talented politician than Duda, and it may turn out that his problem with marking aspiration will be much more serious than Trzaskowski with insufficient familiarity.
