French socialists most likely miss the time erstwhile their organization conventions decided on the destiny of the country. On occasion, they could justice the actions of their own government, and if they did not exercise power, at least they put force on it as the main opposition force, constantly present in the second circular of presidential elections.
Now the stakes are lower on the 1 hand, due to the fact that about specified political influences the current Socialist organization (PS) can only dream and on the other, due to the fact that the choice of a bad strategy has a chance to bury the party, which in the last presidential election won little than 2% of support. The Socialists have recovered from this gap through strong regional structures and cooperation with the remainder of the left, but this 1 is now under serious question.
Together or apart?
In the post-socialist disastrous presidential election in 2022 NUPES The socialists played the second violin and had to settle for little than 30 deputies in the fresh word of the National Assembly. Tied after last year's European elections (totally beneficial to PS) New People's Front brought them more than twice as strong parliamentary representation. As appetite grows as food grows, the supporting left-wing coalition Olivier Faure is under expanding force from the party's right wing, calling for further campaigns under his own name.
Since 2018, the first secretary has been accustomed to specified pressures – in the case of both the last parliamentary votes the union with the Greens, the Communists and the incorruptible ended in the revolt of part of the organization and the presentation of independent candidatures of socialist dissidents in any districts. But now the divided between the PS and the Humble France (LFI) has become an undeniable fact and Faure has joined the fight for re-election under the motto of unifying the full left-wing "Niemélenchonowska".
However, this is inactive besides much for Nicolas Mayer-Rossignol, the Norman Rouen mayor who threw the glove to the current first secretary as a candidate for the right wing of socialists, from the beginning skeptical towards NUPES and NFP. The main problem for many PS activists was the strong position of the unruly within these electoral alliances, but besides their cooperation with another leftist groups should be undertaken only on condition of the leadership function of the Socialist organization and the rejection of besides extremist demands.
The first circular of the vote was attended by a 3rd candidate, standing between the 2 mentioned and calling for a “unification” of the party. Boris Vallaud, however, received a modest 17 percent vote (Faure and Mayer-Rossignol respectively 42 and 40 percent), so he dropped out of the race for the position of first secretary. Shortly thereafter, the PS MP announced that he would vote for Faure, which puts the current organization leader in favour of the second circular of the interior elections to be held on June 5. The first secretary, no substance who yet becomes one, is facing a hard task of rebuilding the erstwhile power of the Socialist Party.
The old defender fights to get back into the league.
The socialists are not the only ones who mention the old times with a good start. Recently, conservative Republicans, conventional socialist rivals, and now weaker Macronist coalitions, have besides chosen their leader. They have even little MPs than PS and found themselves between the hammer and the hardwood – on the 1 hand a liberal centreright from the presidential camp, on the another hand a National Unity (NN).
In their case, the election came as traditionalist Bruno Retaileau, current head of the MMA, which announces a turn to the right and rivalry with nationalists by conforming to them. The fresh Republican chief announces that this will bring back the voters who left for Le Pen – only the same as his predecessor promised Éric Ciotti and yet ended up being a... RN extension. So it seems that erstwhile Gaullists (it is hard to call them that) do not learn from their mistakes. What about their centre-left rivals?
On the another side of the political scene, the situation seems more fluid. There is no single organization that would dominate the left flank – the closest to that insubordinate of the LFI, due to the results of their leader in the last 2 presidential elections. However, Mélenchon has a very large negative electorate and a low tendency to compromise, which puts PS ahead of a chance to unite the remainder of the left and attract part of the center, alternatively disappointed by Macron's rule. This is clearly what Faure puts forward, while Mayer-Rossignol draws to the second option of socialists. It would be optimal, of course, to combine these 2 trends, especially if the PS had a serious fight in the plans for the Elysée Palace.
Pre-runs before the presidential campaign
On the way, in March 2026, local elections will take place, which for the French left will be a test of force – individual parties announce the issue of separate lists and only in a fewer cases should local election coalitions be expected. However, in the French political system, this presidential run is simply a game for everything, so PS members, considering voting for 1 of the candidates for the first secretary, will undoubtedly have their views in head in this respect.
Faure's choice would mean that any common left-wing candidacy, even under the name of the NFP, could be supported, even if it is little likely. At the moment, Raphaël Glucksmann, who is not formally a associate of the PS, is well placed in the polls, but is associated with her and leads the list of socialists in the European elections. It is simply a politician close to the centre, very critical of the insubordinate and skeptical treatment of the People's Front. The Mayer-Rossignol win would increase the chance for PS to issue specified a candidacy, but there are also options.
There is even talk of François Hollande's possible interest, which may seem curiosistic, given that the erstwhile president ended his word with a single-digit level of support in 2017 and resigned from the then re-election. In retrospect, the French look a small warmer on his presidency, but specified a candidacy from the PS would inactive mean a return to the past and a laying down of arms in the fight to win more left-wing voters. Another thing is that Glucksmann is besides not a suitable candidate.
The question is, would anyone be able to do the task of unifying the full NFP? The current division within the People's Front is not only due to the actions of the PS, but besides to the LFI, with both parties blaming each another and trying to drag the another 2 components of the left-wing coalition, i.e. the Greens and Communists. If Faure remains the leader of the socialists, he will surely proceed these efforts while his rival looks more towards the center and coalition with the remainder of the left sees more as a ballast that should be dropped to gain average voters. Soon, the imagination of the future will prevail among the centre-left organization of France.
