In the fall of 1924 Warsaw became the arena of 1 of the largest political demonstrations of the early Second Republic. On October 26, the legislature of the All-Polish People's and National Union began – an event which was not only to show the organizational strength of the national camp, but besides to outline the direction in which according to its leaders the reborn Poland should go.
About 5,000 delegates from all over the country and 7,000 visitors and Warsawers arrived at Congress. The crowd, banners, solemn service in St. Alexander's Church and the march through the center of the capital gave the event the character of a patriotic holiday, but besides manifestation of political determination.
The reunion took place at a minute of expanding concern – both internal, due to systemic instability and economical and external crises, caused by geopolitical uncertainty. As “Kurier Poznański” reported, the atmosphere of the gathering was elevated, characterized by a sense of responsibility, towards "the hard position of the State, the duties and obligations of the Union towards it".
The People's and National Union, led by Roman Dmowski, treated legislature not only as an chance to integrate activists, but above all as a minute of express wording of the perfect programme for Poland – national, strong, organized and sovereign.
The legislature of the All-Polish People's and National Union was an unprecedented organizational undertaking. Delegates from all parts of the country – from Wielkopolska, Małopolska, Silesia, Pomerania, Mazowsza and Kresów – left. A full of about 5 1000 representatives of ZLN structures and 7 1000 visitors and residents of Warsaw took part in this three-day political manifestation.
The authoritative beginning of legislature was preceded by a solemn service in St. Alexander's Church, after which the delegations moved on the flag march through the main streets of the capital. It was not only a symbolic act of patriotism, but besides a demonstration of the strength and unity of the national environment. Warsaw's public space was temporarily overrun by a national camp – organized, disciplined, assured in its program. Press reports item the extraordinary strength of moods among participants. The legislature was not only reporting-debate, but above all ideological. The deliberations were held in an atmosphere full of focus and a sense of historical importance of the decisions that were to be taken. The delegates stressed that they were found in Warsaw not for celebration, but for mission.
It was clear that legislature was not expected to be a simple organization reunion – but an effort to formulate a national political will. The full event was subject to the imagination of Poland as a community built on national loyalty, organizational strength and self-defense – political, economical and cultural.
Leadership speeches
The president of the ultimate Council of the Union, Jan Overseas, opened legislature with a speech in which he welcomed the incoming delegates and paid tribute to the deceased activists of the national movement. A peculiar place in his speech was to honour Roman Dmowski – the leader of the ideological and political ZLN. His presence met with the immediate, exhilarating reaction of the hall, causing "grossy, enthusiastic cheers and applause". The beginning atmosphere clearly indicated that Dmowski remained an undisputed authority for the national environment.
In his paper, Stanisław Kozicki focused on the global situation. He warned against the deceptive sense of safety and stableness that European elites spread after planet War I. He pointed out the reviving German revisionism and the illusion of the effectiveness of the League of Nations:
"Great events are only born of large sacrifices. It is incorrect to believe that the nation can make in peace—because only those nations who had large difficulties to overcome created their greatness.”
Kozicki argued that Poland cannot build its future on global illusions and declarations. Real strength, alliances with countries curious in maintaining the Versailles Agreement (such as France, Romania, Czechoslovakia) and readiness to defend themselves are needed:
“The Polish people will have 1 answer to his safety – they will stand in their arms.”
Another talker was Stanisław Głąbiński, focusing on the request for thorough systemic reforms. He stressed the instability of governments and the weakness of state structures. His postulates included strengthening the function of president and Senate; limiting parliamentary immunity; raising the age of electoral law: active to 25 years, passive to 30.
He explicitly advocated limiting the impact of "non-national political groups" and opposed local abuses in the east of the country.
"The president cannot be just a shadow of power – he must influence events," he argued. “The state will only be able to make if there is simply a law in Poland, not a will.”
Professor Roman Rybarski's speech was devoted to the economy – and was 1 of the most critical assessments of the state's current state. Fisheries pointed to the deficiency of improvement strategy, mediocre taxation structure, failure of savings and economical dependence on abroad countries:
"We all want the price to halt to increase production – but above all, to increase the power of Poland," he explained.
He demanded greater cooperation between employees and employers, reducing unnecessary production costs and creating real conditions for expanding home capital.
The culminating minute of legislature – the second day of its duration – was the speech of Roman Dmowski, given after the solemn march in Krakowskie Przedmieście and the participation of delegates in Henryk Sienkiewicz's funeral. The writer, at 1 time a associate of the National League, assisted the Endekt efforts to make the Polish armed force with his authority. He did not last independence, dying in November 1916 in Swiss Vevey. little than 8 years later, his remains were brought in to be laid in a specially prepared crypt in the basement of St. John's Cathedral on October 27.
Contrary to expectations, Dmowski did not talk about current organization or organizational matters. His speech had a profoundly ideological and identity dimension.
He initially defined the character of legislature itself:
"Our legislature is not just a convention of citizens of the Republic. You who have come from all sides of the country are an army to conquer Poland – not with a sword, but with work.”
Dmowski clearly pointed out that the fight for Poland is already taking place not on the frontlines, but in regular labor: in institutions, schools, the press, the economy. The nation, according to him, should be a coherent organism based on loyalty and work, not the chaos of various interests.
The speech besides lacked individual references. Dmowski, aware of his controversial position, reminded of the many years of attacks which he was subjected to – not only by strangers, but besides by Polish environments:
“I will remind the older of you how I was thrown down with mud and forced to stay silent. Not only Jews – remember, there are judaic couples.”
These words – unequivocally, brutally – expressed his conviction that public life must be cleansed of influences considered abroad and harmful. He called for a state built on national solidarity, a community of goals and respect for symbols:
"We must force those who do not love Poland to respect it. The Polish flag must be carried high.”
The end of his speech had a generational dimension. Dmowski called on the national youth to be active and courageous, symbolically giving her the burden of responsibility:
“[...] you gotta go boldly with your flag [...] young to go into the first fire of work.”
His words were not only an appeal to the generation of the future, but besides a confirmation that the perfect mission of ZLN does not end at this legislature – it just begins.
Resolutions of legislature – the Union's political programme
The culmination of the legislature was the adoption of a series of resolutions which marked the direction of the People's and National Union's activities in the field of foreign, interior and economical policy. This was the minute erstwhile the ideological declarations went into a circumstantial political plan – decisive, coherent and clearly national in content.
Foreign policy: defending the borders and governance of Versailles
In the area of global relations, ZLN delegates stressed that any effort to revise Poland's borders would be treated as an act of aggression threatening not only the state but besides peace in Europe:
"Any effort on the territorial full of the Polish state will be tantamount to an effort on peaceful coexistence of nations."
In accordance with the adopted resolutions, Poland should build alliances with countries that, like her, are curious in maintaining order established by the Treaty of Versailles – especially with France, Romania and Czechoslovakia. In the future, the Republic of Poland was to become a guardian of peace in the region – but provided it builds a strong state, with a solid army and a unchangeable economy.
Internal policy: constitutional improvement and order
Resolutions on systemic issues were peculiarly elaborate. legislature advocated a far-reaching improvement of the Constitution by, among another things, the creation of a bicameral parliament – the Sejm and the legislature with equivalent competences; strengthening the position of the President; granting the head of state the right to dissolve the Sejm and setting up fresh elections in the event of major political crises.
"Approval to the president of the Republic of Poland the right to resolve the Sejm and appeal to voters in cases of fundamental opposites, for the sake of the State."
New age limits for electoral rights were besides set: an active law from 25, passive from 30. The parliamentary immunity was besides limited – only until the session, without protection for MPs caught in the act or anti-state activity. The call was besides made for a Constitutional Court to be set up to uphold the political order and civilian rights.
Ideas Foundations: Nation and Law
Congress explicitly advocated a national state. Poland was to be a country of the Polish people and the rights of Poles were to be superior to the interests of another nationalities.
"The rule of unity of the Polish nation's state and the regulation of law should in peculiar be applied in border voivodships."
Power was to build its trust, not by compulsion, but by law. The autonomy of officials and the inconsistency of regulations was 1 of the main points of criticism.
Organisational resolutions and fresh leadership of the Union
After the end of the ideological debates and the adoption of the main political resolutions, the legislature of All Poland moved on to organizational matters. The People's-National Union, in order to strengthen its coherence and effectiveness, adopted a number of structural decisions aimed at centralising and modernising the operation of the party.
First, legislature defined the membership identity of the Union. It has been adopted that:
Only persons with full national loyalty and undisputed Polish citizenship can be members of the Union.
This meant the exclusion from the organisation of all elements considered politically or internationally uncertain. This was a clear confirmation of the national character of the ZLN as a movement that builds its structure and mission on the foundation of a unified identity.
The second crucial step was the territorial reorganisation of the party. So far, scattered vicinity structures have been disbanded. In their place, the provincial councils of the Union, subordinate to the centre, were to be created. This centralist approach was intended to guarantee greater discipline and uniformity of action. The ultimate authority was entrusted to the ultimate Council, composed of representatives of the main board, parliamentary clubs and editors of organization writings.
An crucial initiative was besides the decision to organize a nationwide collection for propaganda purposes and to build the seat of the Union in Warsaw. It was an expression of the ambition of the national environment to permanently enter the organization scenery of the capital as a permanent and strong centre of political life.
The final result of the organizational gathering was the election of the fresh Union authorities. Stanisław Głąbiński, Marian Seyda, Zygmunt Berezowski, Medard Kozłowski, Jerzy Lebecki, Władysław Matus, Julian Zdanowski, Franciszek Sołtysiak, Stanisław Rymar entered the Main Board. A full of more than 30 people were elected to direct the ZLN in the coming months, both in national and parliamentary activities. fresh board, fresh structure, fresh momentum – legislature of All Poland ended with a clear message: the national camp is not only perfect but besides ready for a political march in a full organized formation.
People's-National Union at the tallness of its power
The October 1924 All-Polish legislature was much more than just a organization reunion. He gathered thousands of people in the heart of Warsaw to manifest the strength, discipline and ambition of the national camp. Organized with momentum, thought out in content and consistent in the message – he was 1 of the most serious attempts to specify Poland's perfect program after regaining independence.
The speeches of the leaders – Kozicki, Głąbiński, Rybarski and, above all, Dmowski – marked the directions of actions in foreign, systemic and economical policy. Each of them contained 1 common message: Poland must be a strong, dense and national state. independency is not adequate – it needs its content: a power capable of action, a society ready to sacrifice, an economy based on work and discipline.
The resolutions adopted at legislature were not only a political programme, but besides an perfect act of religion in the anticipation of building a national state. The People's-National Union presented itself as a force ready to presume work – both organization and moral – for the future of Poland. The voice of this Congress, full of pathos, determination and perfect clarity, was 1 of the strongest political signals of the 1920s. He was the announcement of the long-standing presence of the national movement on the political phase and an effort to establish its place not only as a party, but as a imagination of the state.
Kamila Firlej
