According to estimates of the Warsaw Town Hall, 35 1000 people took part in the Warsaw Free Poles March. Organizers give almost 10 times the number – 300 thousand. 1 estimates attendance at the summit of the march at 80-100 1000 people. They are besides to talk of 80 1000 not under the name of PiS MPs. So it seems that the number of top tens of thousands of participants is closest to reality.
Is that politically a lot or a small bit? Can the Law and Justice announce success, or should a government camp enjoy the defeat of the populist opposition?


That's more than expected
We gotta admit that the march was inactive a success of the Law and Justice. The turnout at the summit of 80 to 90 1000 is about twice as much as expected on Thursday morning, erstwhile estimates of political commentators spoke alternatively of the expected 35 to 40 1000 participants. In the kidnappings of as many as 100,000 marchers with Kaczyński at the head, the demonstration suggests that the demonstration was not limited to the staff of PiS and “Solidarity” brought to Warsaw by coaches from all over Poland. The PiS may not have kidnapped specified crowds as opposition on June 4 or during the march of a million hearts, but he was surely able to attract his supporters not engaged regular in the life of the organization or its supporting trade union.
Although this was not supported by many factors, the weather and the fact that the demonstration took place on a working day. The turnout besides did not hurt that as a consequence of Szymon Holownia's decision, the Sejm was empty that day – the participants chanted their shouts in vacuums, Tusk, Hołownia, Kosniak-Kamysz or Czarzasty could not hear them. The changes in TVP have besides come so far, and the station's faces have moved to tv Republic, that many possible PiS sympathizers may have doubted whether there is any sense of going out to the street in the winter to protest something that is not peculiarly reversible. due to the fact that this protest against changes in public media was the reason for the march.
Maybe it was stimulating. arrest on Tuesday by Mariusz Kamiński and Maciej Wąsik. On Thursday, erstwhile MPs were transported to prison facilities in Radom (Kamiński) and Ostrołęka (Wąsik), their erstwhile co-workers appointed the Committee for the Defence of Political Prisoners, the wives of the prisoners complained about their destiny in the written media, and organization activists told about the "political prisoners of the Tusk Democrat", reaching even for simply indecent comparisons of erstwhile CBA chiefs with actual political prisoners like Andrzej Poczobut. The imprisonment of politicians treated by PiS followers as flawless “great imprudents”, heroes of the fight against corruption, seemingly triggered emotions that had already evaporated around the TVP case itself.

Transmission from catacombs
At the same time, this comparative success of the Thursday march does not change the overall political dynamics in the country. The PiS has lost power and will stay in opposition for a long time. And it will not get out of it rapidly if it tries to scope voters with a akin message that it reached from the March of Free Poles.
The leaders of the Law and Justice organization during the event frequently asked the 3rd Way voters, ‘Did you vote for it?’, ‘Did you want to become an adjunct to the Tusk Government?’, ‘do you not feel cheated?’, but the message was fundamentally directed only to the toughest electorate of the Law and Justice.
During his speech at the march, Jarosław Kaczyński repeated the same conspiracy communicative he has been preaching since the losing elections. Maximum summary: Germany seeks to transform Europe into a superstate managed from Berlin, Tusk has been "installed in Warsaw" to enable this, if we do not prevent it, Poland will vanish as a sovereign state, changing into an externally managed "area inhabited by Poles". abroad governments will settle conflicts, crime, and even the panic of illegal migrants, impose the euro on us, which will ruin Poland economically and prevent Western economies from catching up.


In order to accomplish these objectives, Tusk breaks the constitution, the “stepping laws”, abolishes “all control institutions towards the government”, pursues media monopoly, and in addition oppresses and bonds of patriots specified as Kamiński and Wąsik. Next in line is "destroying the office of President" – whatever that means. In the bonus, president Kaczyński raised doubts about the result of the last election, due to the fact that “it is not known how it was with them”, although he pointed out that he did not question their outcome.
It is simply a message matching the organization of the trenching catacombs of radical, conspiracy-rightness, not the force able to truly scope for power – especially by gaining the independent majority in the Sejm. The PiS is placed in a position akin to the highest of the Smolensk fever during the period 2010-14.
The organization telling us that Tusk, on behalf of Berlin, liquidates the Polish statehood, puts himself outside the borders of rational public debate and cannot be taken seriously. specified communicative mobilises and focuses a extremist electorate, but scares distant all other, frightened by a political force more like a sect than a party, functioning in its own, completely parallel, profoundly paranoid reality.

Poland needs a better opposition
Going to the local and presidential elections with a message from the March of Free Poles, the Law and Justice will most likely lose them. At the same time, this course for radicalization and self-marginalization of the Law and Justice is simply a problem not only for the party, but for the full Polish public life. A well-organised democracy needs a wise, substantive, rule-abiding, systemic opposition. The full anti-systemic opposition kind of the PiS degrades not only the Kaczyński Party, but unfortunately besides our full public life.
The anti-system offensives of the Law and Justice in fresh weeks – whether on public media or Kamiński and Wąsik – completely frozen any substantive discussion on government policies, Polish public life revolved around fighting of the Law and Anti-Pisu again. The PiS Excess forces the ranks of the coalition on October 15, which marginalizes the voice of the smaller, forming partners, leaving them small space to articulate their own political ideas. Just as the opposition once, wishing not, had to devote much of its energy to fighting the excesses of the Law and Justice in power, so now it must devote it to fighting the feats in this organization in opposition.



In the meantime, Poland faces serious challenges. Given this, there is something indecent about the fact that so much of our policy is occupied by problems with Kamiński and Wąsik – people rightly convicted of abuse of power, who should never have taken specified a advanced office after 2015 – and with the ego of the President, incapable to admit that almost 9 years ago he was incorrect to abuse the laws of grace. Unfortunately, we won't have another opposition for a long time. It remains to wait for further defeats to force the PiS to sober up. Although attendance at the march on Thursday shows that as a extremist opposition, playing for its 25-30 percent voters, the PiS can winter in the catacombs longer than anyone would think.