I say all the esteemed comms have an opinion on the Biedron initiative. I appreciate the fact that the frenzy of offtop comments hasn't started yet. I propose a possible debate under this knee-shaped blogger.
Thesis is loose, I don't truly insist on any, possibly individual will convince me of something, please. In fact, even writers do not prohibit writing here, I only forbid writing vaguely, rudely and not on the subject (unfortunately, writers usually have a problem with intellectual discipline, but it is not my responsibility anymore).
And here's the thesis:
1. The organization of my first choice remains “Together” and a possible coalition in which this organization will participate. I consider labour issues to be the most crucial component of the left/progressive programme.
The poorer did not rise the subject at all (and he talked about a fewer matters of duality, specified as free internet). On the organization side there is simply a proposal that makes no sense (a vacation on a work contract? Do they even realize what this agreement is for?).
It just means he doesn't care. Which means they're not the robots I'm looking for.
2. In view of the above, I do not exclude a vote for Biedronia, especially in circumstances specified as the "second circular of presidential elections". I think that Polish policy desperately needs to be free from the odor of kerosene.
It's a very valuable metaphor of Eve the Kicker, but I'm not certain she's thought about her meaning wealth. Naftalina buzzes from the tv screen not only erstwhile veterans of the "PC Order" appear there. Polish politics are inactive in the hands of the same people who shared influences between 1988 and 1991. Once, Niesiolowski, Kaczyński and Wałęsa were in 1 camp, then they shuffled, but it was time to replace them all (all of them!) with individual else.
3. The thought that Poorron weakens opposition is absurd to me. Who claims this is due to ordination – he does not realize ordination (traditional caveat: don't argue with me about the d’Hondt strategy if you can't describe it mathematically).
The secret of the fresh triumphs of the populist right was not so much to gain the center as to discourage the least motivated opponents. Those who didn't like Trump, but Clinton didn't peculiarly like them. Or: Kopiecz and Komorowski.
The ideas of the "unified opposition" kind will recreate this situation. Part of the Anti-Pist will stay at home, due to the fact that she will simply not be able to bear the thought of voting for Kazz Marcinkiewicz or Leszek Miller.
Biedron will mobilize the part of the anti-script electorate that would not vote for the "unified opposition". It is better to introduce another anti-script group to the Sejm, alternatively than to dream of the widespread support of respective unlikable naphthaliners.
4. In the Euro-elections, the overthrow of Kaczyński is not yet at stake. It's a good time to experiment, to consolidate the environment, to present your own program. That's why I'd be glad to have a spring-alizarin coalition, but I'm not worried about not having one. These consolidate, those consolidate – average (“what was Nicholas doing, Wilq...?”).
5. For the anger that Biedron raised in the liberal establishment, he already has a immense advantage for me. This could drown his task at the very beginning: if the representatives of the 3RP elite started praising him and praising him in their programs in the series “the publicist drives his car and abruptly the priest Owl gets on.”
They reacted with hate, and very well. Polish elites inactive forget how powerful they have a negative electorate. The hotter they fight someone, the stronger they grow. They put Biedron on the rising wave – I wonder how far he'll surf it.
