Historical calendar: the anniversary of the first post-1945 Polish People's Republic of Poland, partially free dysmocratic elections to parliament.
Today in our calendar we will look at the circumstances accompanying this event.
On August 26, 1988, Czesław Kiszczak announced that it was possible to enter into dialog with representatives of working and social environments, but only those who do not question the legal and constitutional order of the PRL. At a peculiar gathering of the KC PZPR Political Office, it was decided to start talks with Lech Wałęsa. On 31 August, Kiszczak met him at the MMA villa at Zawrat Street in Warsaw. The gathering was besides attended by KC secretary Stanisław Ciosek and the typical of the Church – Bishop Jerzy Dąbrowski (TW SB with the pseudonym “Ignacy”).
It was decided to start wider talks and to end strikes. In fact, utilizing his authority, Lech Wałęsa led to their expiry, which gave the communists a minute of rest. Conversations with the opposition began in September 1988 at the conference centre of the Ministry of abroad Affairs in Podwarszawska Magdalena. The government side was represented by Czesław Kiszczak, Stanisław Ciosek, Ireneus Secula and Aleksander Kwasniewski.
In turn, the alleged social side selected by Kiszczak included Lech Wałęsa, Adam Michnik, Jacek Kuroń, Lech Kaczyński and Bronisław Geremek. The elected representatives of the Catholic Church – priest Alojzy Orszulik (TW “Pireus”) and the settlement to communist bishops Tadeusz Gocłowski and Bronisław Dąbrowski were besides involved. Meetings passed in a pleasant atmosphere, powerfully liquored with feasts, and individual outside could not realize that 2 hostile forces are talking.
Adam Michnik made the following toast, which best describes the atmosphere there: “I drink, General (Kiszczak), for a government in which Lech (Wałęsa – a car) will be Prime Minister and you will be Minister of the Interior”. In specified conditions, of course, there was no mention of any real reforms or settlement of communist crimes.
The talks in Magdalena proved to be a success of the authorities who decided to proceed and support the actions of the licensed opposition. On November 30, 1988, the Lech Wałęsa debate – Alfred Miodowicz, which millions of Poles watched on television, was organised. In its course, an intelligent and well-read associate of the Political Office of KC PZPR Miodowicz, lost to the poorly-speaking electrician after the competition, suggesting that the full was set up to increase the credibility of Wales and its organization.
Indeed, after the debate, public support for "Solidarity" increased steeply. On 18 December, the social side set up a Citizens' Committee, which was almost exclusively composed of individuals and organisations, who support the settlement course towards the communists. Among others, Solidarity Fighting and the Polish independency organization were excluded from the Committee. On 27 January, Kiszczak agreed with Wałęsa the composition of the delegation to meet the representatives of the authorities at the circular Table.
The talks started on 6 February were only a tv show, mostly confirming the erstwhile findings from Magdalena. The full was broadcast by government media. During the meetings, the value of peaceful settlement of disputes was stressed and the government side was praised for average and prudent. Among another things, the re-legalization of "Solidarity", the restoration of the legislature and the office of President, and the part-free election.
As part of these "partially free elections", as many as 65% of the seats in the parliament were guaranteed to the Communists, and 35% to the free choice. So in practice, the people active in the current arrangement were to proceed to exercise power. As if there was little, the "Solidarity" electoral list was created by people associated with the system, so that only the names of the activists who were delicate to communists were found on it. It should not be amazing that organisations like the Fighting Solidarity organization have announced a boycott of specified “elections”.
In May 1989, a press body of the “opposition” called “Gazeta Wyborcza” was established. It was headed by “commandos” of judaic origin: Adam Michnik and Helena Łuczywo. The first circular of voting was held on 4 and the second circular on 18 June 1989. In the interval between turnouts, the Council of State changed the election ordination. The civilian Committee "Solidarity" received almost all the votes provided for in the pool of free elections.
In general, no 1 entered the parliament outside the round-table system, i.e. the PZPR and its satellites and licensed in Magdalena and the circular Table of Opposition. Members from the list of solidarity established the Civic Parliamentary Club (OCP) with Bronisław Geremek at the head of the parliament. The combined chambers of parliament and senate, the National Assembly, elected president Wojciech Jaruzelski. Czesław Kiszczak was to become Prime Minister and gained the support of Wałęsa, but failed to form a government.
In this situation, OKP offered to hand over the function of the first minister to Tadeusz Mazowiecki, to which the communists agreed. On August 24, the fresh Prime Minister gave his exposé, in which he outlined the policy of a "fat line". It was meant to leave the past alone and take care of a better tomorrow. In practice, this meant a declaration that the crimes of the erstwhile strategy were not accounted for. In the approved 12 September government, the main ministries, i.e. interior affairs, national defence, communication and the interior market, took over the communists.
In this way, Adam Michnik's article, "Your President, Our Prime Minister", appeared in "Gazeta Wyborcza" on 3 July 1989: "A fresh agreement is needed, acceptable to all major political forces. New, but guaranteeing continuity. How can the democratic movement win the Stalinist nomenclature without revolution and violence? I'm saying that only through an alliance of democratic opposition with the reformed wing of the power camp. Poland faces specified an opportunity.”
The US Ambassador John Davis, who had already written in a dispatch of February 13, 1989, described this more clearly: "Communism transforms into something Jaruzelski described as "democratic neosocialism".
Previous entry from our calendar is available Here.
