Tusk clarified this during a public speech at a gathering with activists of the Mazovia Civic Platform in 2007, where announced from the speakerthat both Kaczyński and Kwasniewski are people who "still want to fund a version of socialism". Tusk then fought for his place to replace the SLD in the power duo.
The times change, but this strategical choice and the threat that Poles allegedly face, according to the PO leadership and its intellectual background, is permanent – due to the fact that fear of socialism and more broadly, of left-wingness as such, is their foundation and the ideological spine. It is simply a common origin from which the full alleged post-solidarity camp of the right came out. It did not substance that the then SLD with socialism, or even left-wingness, had little and little in common. The left is best not to be at all, to be degraded and disintegrated, or to be a completely pacified appetizer.
"Healthiness" alternatively of "socialism"
There is simply a fear of even a possible "socialism". Socialism is not only a "socialised means of production" for this environment, but, above all, an extended social benefit package (which it calls "distribution"), public services, or municipal housing (used as "community transit").
He is to regulation “Common senseIt’s okay. ” This concept is simply a well-known tool, creating ideological veils behind which there are political decisions, presented as obvious, neutral and devoid of emotional raids. In fact, behind this facade is simply a complex construction of values, priorities and, above all, fears. "Healthiness" excludes alternate visions of the world, presenting them as irrational or dangerous, thereby perpetuating the position quo.
Tusk and the PO, together with a large number of publicists supporting this way of thinking, set themselves up as an arbitrator and a “reasonable centre”. This strategy has yielded excellent results. Today, almost everyone describes the Platform as a organization of the center, though it has never abandoned extremist neoliberal ideas in fact, and frequently besides conservative or even nationalistic (never adequate reminders of who established the National Day of Memory “The Cursed SoldiersIt is not known whether or not you are taking advantage of me.
Also the second large heir to the post-solidarity camp, Law and Justice, did not have much love for the left. “Socialism was a riffraff, for the rabble, you can say” – He said Jarosław Kaczyński in 2007. Any possible social moves had to have a conservative and "patriotic" robe (Gierek was good, if he was a "patriot") and specified justification (e.g. increased fertility).
Left-wing longings of millions
Also the left not referring to the PRL was not to be. This kind of formation does not be in this imagination. If any social organization or organization refers to left-wingness, it is assigned to the drawer “commun”. It doesn't substance whether it's the tenant activists, the anarchosyndicalist trade union, or the social democratic organization together. They're all communists, and like communists, they're all thieves. There's nothing to discuss.
Both the PiS and the PO representatives usage these tricks. The goal is common: nothing can be real left, which would possibly endanger right-wing hegemony. It must be strangled in the embryo in all way possible.
Interestingly, both parties win the election mostly by pretending to be any form of left-wingness in the campaign. Sometimes 1 can almost believe that Tusk is almost a social politician who wants an equal and free Poland, open and unpressive. And after the election comes back old conservative-liberal Donald who will, yes, leave 800 plusBut structurally it won't change anything. On the another hand, Kaczyński gains power through appeals to the social needs of people. He then pursues a Chadetic policy, which is very unequal, where we get 500 plus and the introduction of a minimum on garbage trucks, but with a catastrophic housing policy (Apartment Plus, aid for 2 % loans).
The right uses left-wing in fact (although consciously not defined in this way) the longings of millions of people to then leave them frequently on more or little slippery ice. On both sides of duopol.
COPIS feeds on left-wing ideas ("living a law, not a commodity" – stated Donald Tusk astounded listeners during the run show – after the election it turned out that it was about another credit supplement), but only realized in homeopathic doses. Within the framework of “mandatory reason”. It is about sucking the life-giving juices from the left, from its actions, from its concepts, from its explanation (remember Kaczyński referring to the book of Piketty?) so that the duo can live another word before it is scattered in its present form.
♪ Again ♪ ♪ Together ♪
Every effort to get out of this condition is fearsome among those who benefit from its existence. John Hartman expresses it full in “Policies‘:
"As Trzaskowski lost by a hair (as good as he could win by a hair!), any incidental origin could change the course of events. [...] Thus you can talk about a rather personalized wine. In this context, it is worth recalling that for the second time Adrian Zandberg served Jarosław Kaczyński with his kunktatorian behavior. In 2015, he did not join the left-wing coalition that failed in the election, and the organization Together won only about 3% of the vote and besides did not enter the Sejm. This allowed Kaczyński to take over. Today, however, Adrian Zandberg stepped distant from the support of Rafał Trzaskowski, resulting in as much as 16 percent of the organization leader's voters together in the second circular supporting Karol Nawrocki."
It is simply a frequently emerging part of the mythology of this environment – as if the organization Together had specified a powerful causative power that it could throw distant the chances of a PO candidate in the election, and it did so respective times. It is, of course, a distraction from its own faults, ineptness, and simple folly. But here comes another plot. 16 percent, which in the second circular supported Nawrocki. After all, no reasonable individual would believe that those who voted for the “citizen” candidate of the Law and Justice organization would vote for Trzaskovsky just due to the fact that Zandberg supported him. This is treating people like mindless politicians puppets. A very authoritative imagination of social reality.
Perhaps Hartman is not full aware of what he is truly afraid of. What does 16 percent mean? The fact is that Together we managed to break into part of the alleged "social electorate" (whether as described by Sławomir Sierakowski and Przemysław Sadura in Population – cynic electorate). It's a real threat and it's for the PO and the Law and Justice. This bridgehead can be enlarged. If this works, the full current arrangement could fall apart.
It is not a place to analyse the causes of the defeat of the "old left" from the SLD-UP, but the power of the Law and Justice has been built on a situation which arose as a consequence of Leszek Miller's absurd economical policy, although, of course, he besides won the elections on a social program he failed to implement. As a result, he lost the assurance of a large part of the social electorate, which initially turned his support to Self-defence before yet switching to the Law and Justice Party.
If this process could be reversed to any extent, it would be a major change on the Polish political stage. This is simply a fundamental threat to the current arrangement. Therefore, he will effort to suppress specified efforts in various ways.
Finally, it should be pointed out that this issue is not just about political parties. In a akin way, the full left is treated, including social movements, their outlook on the world, complex and diverse history, and various divisions and streams. Everything has been either taken or erased from human consciousness. And it was neither an accident nor an act of impersonal forces of nature.
**
Xavier Wolinski – publicist, activist, author of Wolnelewo.pl.
