As you can see, this process is taking place in the United Right camp. alternatively of narrowing the ranks before the hard local and European elections for this formation, it deals mainly with interior disputes, and in an increasingly spectacular way.
Molluscs and parasites
At a gathering with the sympathizers held last Friday, Euro MP Patryk Jaka – presently head of Sovereign Poland in the replacement of Zbigniew Ziobry infirmary – fired from a thick pipe, attacking Mateusz Morawiecki and president Duda. The second got behind veto to lex TVN and the 2017 Ziobry court bill. According to Which Duda unnecessarily bowed before the protests, which only “sought” the opposition, which alternatively of showing gratitude for the support, present would most gladly put the president before the Court of State.
In turn, the erstwhile Prime Minister criticised the Euro MP for his European policy, agreeing to the rule of conditionality with the EU's post-pandemic reconstruction fund and Green Deal. "Someone has signed all this crap in the European Union. Someone's liable for all this. If he is the Prime Minister of Morawiecki again, I do not give you any warrant that he will not be the same" – he came to Jaka.
Of course, it was not the first message of the Sovereign or previously Solidary Poland policy, attacking the president for a 2017 veto or Prime Minister for European policy. Zbigniew Ziobro accused Morawiecki that in relations with the European Commission he is "softened". This time, however, besides the closest political allies to the politicians of PiS attacked in this way did not stay in debt and responded to the words of a colleague from Sovereign Poland, without biting his tongue. erstwhile government spokesperson Piotr Müller wrote on portal X: “It is simply a pity that you did not translate specified energy into actions in the prosecutor’s office, courts (e.g. full digitization – in 8 years it was possible to do it!). It's a shame your radicalism has cost us a fewer percent points to win. It is simply a pity that your radicalism awakened anger at our camp and mobilized those who went to the election just due to the fact that they did not want the kind of politics you are presenting.”
The allegations of action by the Sovereign Poland to the detriment of the Law and Justice both between 2015 and 2023 and in the current election cycle were received from subsequent PiS politicians. In an interview with the RMF, 1 of the closest collaborators of Prime Minister Morawiecki expressed his anger with the SP, Michał Dworczyk"If politicians of the Sovereign Poland are so negative about the management of the Law and Justice, I wonder what else they are doing in the United Right. It's a parasitic system. I'm sick of this."
However, in the Kaczyński camp sparks not only on the PiS–Suwerenna Poland line. Radio writer Zet Mariusz Giersszewski wrote that following the European elections with the Law and Justice, a fresh party, led by Mateusz Morawiecki and supported by president Duda, was to be released. The work in the back is to be carried out by the Head of the Cabinet of the president of Poland Marcin Mastalarek and close associate of Morawiecki Mariusz Chodik. It has been reported that even 60 members of the Sejm's Law and Justice Club are ready to go behind Morawiecki.
The message was immediately demented, and even ridiculed by the interested, but liberated quite a few emotions in the government camp. erstwhile asked on Radio Zet about the likelihood of a fresh formation, the erstwhile national defence minister and head of the PiS club in the present Seym, Mariusz Błaszczak responded disrespectfully: “As Boy with the Mastaler do, I do not foretell the future. It's fake." In response, the presidential minister advised Błaszczak in his X account to " yet take care of work, not Facebooks" due to the fact that "this harms the candidates of the Law and Justice in the local elections". He besides mentioned to the erstwhile head of the MON inability to effort to build the Polish arms industry.
Fragrance of the ‘Popular-Technology Pact’
What is the reason for specified an intensification of conflicts in the United Right in fresh days? The electoral campaign, especially the Euro-election, is surely an crucial context. 5 years ago, the PiS introduced 27 MPs into the Europarliament, present the forecasts mostly give him about 18 – which means a murderous fight for good seats on the lists and then ruthless rivalry with colleagues and colleagues from the letter of attention of right-wing voters. What, by attacking Morawiecki's “too soft” European policy and his co-workers, starts his run for the Europarliament – recalls the most extremist and Eurosceptic electorate of the PiS as a candidate who, in Brussels, will stand firm to defender “Polish interests”. Effectively setting up in this function will, on the 1 hand, deter PiS and any more average voters themselves, on the another hand, can mobilise an iron electorate, providing him with another mandate, even in the event that organization games throw him to the next place on the list.
Rumors about the possible secession of the Morawiecki faction may fuel and legitimize the explicit marginalization of the erstwhile Prime Minister and his people after the losing parliamentary elections. After completion farces with a two-week government Morawiecki was moved to the second line. It is intended to constitute a kind of substantively scoring government of the Tusk shadow office led by the Morawiecki State Work squad remains virtually invisible – the organization has put on another, tougher message in which it is not essential for anything.
However, tensions in the United Right besides have deeper structural causes beyond the current political climate. The main problem is that an alliance between a more average and extremist right-wing, a "technocratic-populist pact" is structurally fragile for the success of this formation. This fragility remains invisible at times erstwhile the coalition carries a wave of good economics, erstwhile it is able to combine very different groups of voters, wins further elections, but immediately gives announcement erstwhile the prosperity ends.
PiS – another organization – found it painfully early in the erstwhile decade. A series of disasters, launched with the losing earlier elections in 2007, launched central processes, the formation began to crack from 2 sides, on its centre and radical-populist flank. On the line of this first fault, centre-right Poland is the most important, on the line of the second Solidarna Polska. The leader of the latter, Zbigniew Ziobro, before being expelled by Kaczyński from the party, discussed the thought that since the PiS as a broad right-wing coalition is incapable to defeat the PO, it may be essential to divided into 2 parties, 1 more average and pro-European, the another more populist-right to maximize support and regulation in the future as a coalition. As we know, the consequence of these proposals was to push the Ziobrists out of the PiS and ended with a humble return to the bosom of Novgorod, a failed effort by them to build their own formation.
If past were to repeat itself present – with a possible organization of Morawiecki as a fresh PJN and again, possibly this time voluntary, alternatively than forced secession of the Ziobrists – this would prove that the PiS has a structural problem with its wings in a situation of political deconipuncture. Whether it acts as a stand-alone organization or a wider coalition.
Superleader without successors
At the same time, the Act on the financing of political parties and the destiny of PJN and Ziobrists discourages specified centrifugal movements. Zbigniew Ziobro most likely frequently wondered whether he would not have waited under the broom of the crisis after the 2011 election if he had not been allowed to push Kaczyński – most likely for the price of considerable humiliation – out of the party, whether he would have been in a better position in the game of scheda after the president and leadership over the full camp of the United Right. If the information about Morawiecki's organization is not a journalistic duck, then considering the option of secession, the erstwhile Prime Minister surely besides remembers how his rival from the government came out in a akin movement.
Bad news for Morawiecki as well as Ziebra or Patrick Jaka, is that specified a camp as the United Right cannot be ruled from the wing – whether centre-technology or right-populist. PiS cannot become a "normal right" from the sign of Morawiecki, Dworczyk, Janusz Cieszynski or Tobias Bocheński, due to the fact that in specified a organization it would not be found – politically, programically, ideologically, socially – besides many activists, which it owes its regular functioning. specified a formation would completely miss the emotional needs of full electorate groups, which the Law and Justice cannot lose.
Similarly, the United Right cannot become the formation of Jaka or MP Kowalski – for besides many voters and activists it would be besides far in the populist-anti-European side. Therefore, the current PiS experimentation with placing on Dominika Tarczyński as the leader of the organization list in the elections to the European Parliament and a course for extremist alt-right could end in a painful collision with political reality.
Jarosław Kaczyński remains the only policy of the Law and Justice organization capable of clinching different wings. Modern political sciences compose about the phenomenon of alleged superleaders – leaders who are the only binders of the coalition that would never materialize without them. specified a “superleader” is e.g. Emmanuel Macron, who was able to assemble a coalition combining centre wing centre-right and centre-left, building a presidential majority intersecting across conventional organization divisions in French politics. “Superleader” to the right of the PO is besides Kaczyński. And as is mostly the case with the “superleader”, he has no successor.
Kaczyński, who will be 75 in June, will apply for another word of president of PiS. possibly there is no another solution. Without it, the party, and surely the United Right camp, would start to fall apart. But given the political situation, it will be weak leadership, and the weaker it will be, the greater the centrifugal temptations in the PiS, the more fragile the bonds that connect the party's mainstream and both flanks will become. Therefore, it will only be harder to keep the unity of the United Right in the coming months.
