First volume of the biography of Alexander Kwasniewski It ends with his triumph in the 1995 presidential election, but while talking to the author of the book, Michał Sutowski, we went out of the image for a while. I asked if the leader of the SLD, going to the Presidential Palace, had left any background in the organization – his people, the anticipation of influencing government policy and possible return after the end of his word (or two).
As President, until the Constitution was established, Kwasniewski utilized the extending powers of the head of the state of the “achievements” of the Wales-Falandys duo, who gave the president powers to appoint ministers in the departments of force, and, moreover, to number on their weekly visits to the palace. However, Michał pointed out that in 1997 Kwasniewski did something that was hard to explain – and that we will learn more about from the second volume.
This is after the losing elections in which the SLD received 27.1% of the vote, giving up the AWS (33.83%), Kwasniewski began demanding from the management settlement organization for the defeat – which, anyway, was not a devastating disaster for post-communists. Thus, Kwasniewski-friendly Józef Oleksi replaced his main organization competitor since the early 1990s, Leszek Miller, having already prepared a plan to lift the SdRP banner and make from the then alliance of many environments of modern organization with strong leadership – what happened in 1999.
In the longer term, the decision on these post-election settlements cost Kwasniewski a failure of influence in the party, a "sacrifice of friendship" between the president and the government, and, to any extent, the political career ended just after the presidency.
Partial duplicating is not possible
Why do I callback this communicative in a commentary on the decisions taken by leftist parties in the last weeks of 2024? A fewer days ago, Together elected 2 fresh presidents – alongside the actually fresh 1 for the general public, Aleksandra Owcy, this honor came to Adrian Zandberg, who led the organization to 3 election defeats in a row.
It's not the end of the world, you say. Robert Krasowski in Key to Kaczyński writes that Jarosław Kaczyński between 2007 and 2015 was a worldwide phenomenon in terms of the number of elections lost without losing control of the party. Why, then, would Zandberg, who had served as president only since 2022, quit his power and how would Kwasniewski break into ambition of his own structures?
Because until 2022, together, she practiced politics so different and so democratic that the organization was collegiately governed by the National Board, allowing leaders and leaders of the group to leave on a white horse from each election fire. Decentralized, flat structures may have their advantages, but in this case it clearly did not work. due to the fact that if there is no boss, there is no blame for the aborted strategy.
It turned out that in the long run specified a different policy was not possible and 2 years ago Zandberg and Magdalena Biejat took the helm over the organization – as suggested by fresh days, likely competitors in the upcoming presidential election. Although they both have undisputable advantages, it is hard not to consider specified a script as the announcement of the further self-destruction of a organization that has escaped for years as a truly left-wing voice in your Sejm.
Unrejectable proposal
The news that Biejat is going to become a candidate for the Left, delivered on Wednesday by authors HearingInsight Policy Podcast. Although the organization spokesman, Luke Michnik, rapidly disputed her, there is much evidence that she is not sucked from her finger.
Firstly, no of the leading politicians of the Left are willing to face Rafał Trzaskowski. Apart from a 4th of the PO, the left was actually the only group in Poland cheering in Sikorski's primaries, against which the background could disagree at least beautifully.
Trzaskowski, praying like all Polish centrist and walking on fingers, in order not to offend the economical sensitivity of liberals and political devots, has long consumed left-wing electorate thanks to the fact that, for 4 years, left-wing politicians in fact failed to find a way to show gaps in the progressive image of the president of Warsaw.
That's most likely why she quit the race. Agnieszka Dziemianovich-Bąk. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Although she was never part of the average Association, she managed to pull out a ministry crucial to her own camp in the PO-TD-Levice government and to honorary defeats she does not feel like – although the belief that in the next decade there will be a better chance to fight for greater subjectivity (or impurity and impurity), may be a bit of an expansion.
In specified a situation, Biejat could not refuse her fellow comrades. After the divided in Together and bringing the outgoing politicians closer to the coalition Left, it is besides a chance for her to run with solid money (while Together starts the race not so much by the presidential seat, but by collecting 100,000 signatures enabling her candidate to launch). And as a consequence – more recognition, due to the fact that in this respect a period ago, she and Paulina Matysiak were at the grey end a presidential survey for CBOS, Just giving up... Charles Nawrock.
Incidentally, it was hard to take the suspicions about a possible candidate seriously in the media. Luke of Lithuania. Sure, access to a permanent net connection has caused quite a few harm to the Polish left in the last 20 years, but that's not it.
Sister-killing Leadership Fight
Zandberg, after the organization re-election, did not have the tail tucked up either, and Together cannot just capitulate – he has to show the strength of the structures, collect signatures and decision to the sister-killing fight by respective 100 1000 votes divided base Together.
If fresh Left had raised 8% of the votes in the parliamentary election, now according to the optimistic script Zandberg and Biejat could dock around 3–4 percent. Of course, not taking into account the very probable option that the choice between the 2 will be besides hard for the perfect act, which already in the first circular will shift the vote to, let it be, the non-right-wing Trzaskovsky. And all you gotta do is hope that no left-wing candidacy will come to this pool.
As a result, presidential elections may prove to be swan singing for both factions divided a fewer weeks ago Together, destroying each another in the fight for parsley, and in the face of a eventual win by Trzaskovsky almost sentenced to complete marginalization in the close future. Fortunately, the next election of organization presidents only in 2026 and no strong leftist politician can order organization presidents to resign, as Kwasniewski did in 1997. Adrian Zandberg can sleep peacefully.