Kaczyński [after winning the 2005 election—p.d.] did not waste time. He barely decided that the coalition with Lepper would not be, immediately implemented alternate scenarios – smashing Platform and accelerated elections. A fewer weeks after the government was sworn in, it was decided to start preparations for accelerated elections.
The thought was simple – to drag work on the draft budget submitted to the Sejm by the erstwhile government, and then announce that Members did not fit within the constitutional deadline. respective people, including Marcinkiewicz, were aware of the plan. This set the political priorities of the Prime Minister, who focused on the media offensive from the beginning.
He wasn't in charge, he was in charge. He did not get off the cover of newspapers, 1 week gave money to feed children, the another he urged fuel companies to cut the price, the teachers shortened the school year, the pensioners promised to value benefits. He was media professional, met with simple people, listened to them carefully, and then spoke to them with simple sentences. He had no charisma, but he was sympathetic. Elites referred to Marcinkiewicz condescendingly, he was not a good speaker, he was not a large strategist, but people liked him. He had a large deck of provincialism within him, he was more like society than erstwhile prime ministers, which was crucial in an era that was pulsing with anger at politics.
The support for Marcinkiewicz grew and with it the support for PiS grew. This colorless politician amazed everyone, in Poland right-wing politicians seldom attract sympathy, while Marcinkiewicz was a phenomenon that was tailored to Lech Kaczyński from 2001 or Rokity from 2003. 1 of them provided support for the full formation. In 2 months he prepared PiS to speedy choices.
At the same time, 2 months of the media festival were adequate for the Prime Minister to induce deep aversion of Kaczyński brothers. Aversion, whose speech was given by jealousy and suspicion. Jealous of the popularity that made him the most popular face of the Law and Justice. And he suspected that if the media didn't attack him, he had to become part of the arrangement.
The atmosphere of distrust was mainly built by Lech. From the beginning he sought an excuse to resign quickly, explained to his brother that there was no point in the situation in which Marcinkiewicz collects cream and Jarosław pays the bills. He argued that Marcinkiewicz "breaks off... virtually from hr to hour". That the minister of the treasure made a man “out of the market”, or connected to the arrangement. Jarosław asked Marcinkiewicz to replace the minister, but it lasted 2 months, during which Lech was sipping further suspicions. His hostility went so far that, as an electorate, he asked the head of the ABW to set up a wiretap for the Prime Minister. This 1 refused, Kaczyński then did not insist, but suspicions grew in him avalanchely, as did the determination to exchange the Prime Minister.
Jarosław admitted years later: “Leszek kept pushing me to lead the government.” During this time, preparations for the accelerated elections gained a sharp pace. The main phases of the run have already been distributed, a promotional strategy has been developed, and election clip scenarios have been created. However, the brothers were increasingly afraid that the fresh elections would strengthen Marcinkiewicz besides much, that the Prime Minister from the hat would become Prime Minister from social broadcasting. More popular than brothers that can't be cancelled. The script of the fresh election lost its attractiveness, more tempting for the brothers became an effort to break the Platform.
And then he struck Tusk. Unaware of the thought of accelerated elections, without knowing the dilemma over which the brothers had been concerned, he decided to force Kaczyński to join the Lepper coalition. Radicals were frustrated that Kaczyński did not want to let them into power. Tusk utilized the first pretext, in the Sejm there were 2 government projects where Lepper And Gierty demanded more spending. Tusk came to them and promised to support the Platform. erstwhile the day of the vote came, the government lost harshly, the opposition added over a billion zlotys from itself. Tusk did not hide that the expenditure was nonsense, but he added that the Platform would not be a Freedom Union that, in opposition, helps the government.
Public opinion did not realize this overturned game, due to the fact that Tusk acted as an injured person, to whom the Law and Justice refused to regulation together, assuming that the Platform would support the government anyway. Meanwhile, everything was the another way around, Tusk refused the coalition, and now he was taking the next step – he forced Kaczyński to coalition with Lepper. He revolted the radicals to put him against the wall. To realize that the number government cannot survive.
A twelve days later Kaczyński responded with an equally powerful blow. He introduced Zyta Gilowska to the government. Even six months earlier, she was the Vice-President of the Platform, alongside Tusk and Rokita the most crucial figure in the party. Tusk got free of Gilowska for fear of her increasing meaning. He was on his way to the election, he didn't know how he was gonna handle it, he wanted to make certain he didn't lose the organization if he failed. In that era Tusk did not have as strong a position as he would have in the future, he was 1 of the leaders of ever-collective leadership. And Gilowska was very popular in the party, more than Rokita, even more than Tusk, in a crisis situation she had a chance to take Tusk's leadership.
The expulsion of Gilowska Tusk was carried out as usual utilizing intrigue. A girl worked in her post office and became her daughter-in-law a year later. Tusk knew about the case, both from Gilowska himself, and from 1 of the leaders who asked him if it would trigger accusations of nepotism. Tusk dismissed him: "No problem, the girl worked before she became a daughter-in-law". However, erstwhile the media described the case a year later, Tusk took advantage of the occasion. Immediately attacked Gilowska, he stated that for the first time he heard about the case, that he was outraged, that "the motherly instinct in Zyta Gilowska had won with political instinct and Zyta had to face a fellow court."
Then he called Gilowska. According to her report, Tusk informed her that he had brought the case to a organization court. Astonished Gilowska replied that the subject was out of date, that the daughter-in-law had been released a period earlier. "So what?" replied Tusk. Gilowska inactive didn't understand, reminded Tusk that he knew everything. “So what?” Tusk replied again. At this point Gilowska hung up. Tuska gave Rokit quite a few support. He joined the game due to the fact that he was preparing for the function of Prime Minister and did not want a finance minister of specified a strong position. He kept telling Tusk, "The biggest problem I will have as Prime Minister is not the economy, but Zyta, due to the fact that she can do something weird at any moment." Attacked from both sides, the fatally offended Gilowska left the Platform.
He now knocked on her door with an offer to take on the position of Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Finance. Gilowska agreed, Tusk found out about it, tried to halt it, but he had no chance. An arduous accusation was built that Marcinkiewicz's government was populist, radical, irresponsible, 1 day it was scattered. Since the state's finances are being watched by Gilowski, there could be no populism.
Kaczyński followed the blow, many Platform MPs were offered a transition to the PiS, and government proposals were besides made. The first results were not great, with over 3 MPs to the PiS, but Tusk panicked. PiS He rocked the Platform so hard, the organization started shaking. Many Members asked why they were giving up power, why Tusk was unwisely insistent. His position in the organization was severely weakened, even six months ago the Platform was expected to take everything, now the PiS was a giant, and the Platform was nothing.
Tusk seemed so weak that Rokita and Komorowski began to prepare to fight for leadership. Tusk didn't know what to do, he had to save the party, he had to save himself. He proposed to PiS – return to talks about the coalition. Not due to the fact that he wanted it, but to halt him from leaving the Platform supporters of the “show”. The offer presented at the press conference did not sound imperial, alternatively like a request to spare life. Especially since 1 of the conditions was to halt smashing the Platform. The PiS reacted in a sense of its own strength. “The coalition is unrealistic,” Marcinkiewicz said highly, focused only on fresh elections.
And that's erstwhile the preparations for them came out. It turned out that the Bureau of the Sejm had the expertise to resolve the Sejm. There was panic in the Village, tiny organization polls were terrible, fresh elections meant demolition for them. “We gotta do everything we can to keep the Law and Justice going,” Lepper openly said. “If the elections were held today, the PiS would take all power due to the fact that people love them now.”
Tusk was no little scared, the Platform's support fell rapidly, with Gilowska on board the PiS heavy entering downtown. Another PiS triumph The platform may not have survived, due to the fact that who refuses to decision to a organization that one more time wins and the power of the economy is given back to Gilowska? The feverish meetings of Tusk, Giertych and Lepper began. The fight took place in the Sejm forum, the opposition wanted to finish work on the budget immediately, Marshal Jurek refused. "If you are planning fresh elections, tell it to the Poles in the face," he shouted. “This is absolutely madness,” Marcinkiewicz calmed down. He commanded – as suggestive as insincere – that the Sejm has another month.
The opposition did not believe, decided to bypass the marshal, was bound by a game of vice marshals. In the evening of the meeting, the Deputy Marshal of the LPR took over and put to the vote a motion to velocity up work on the budget. Upon proceeding this, Jurek approached him and stated that he was taking over the proceedings. But he refused. “Sorry, Marek,” he said quietly, but the marshal wouldn’t let it.
That's the kind of manipulation the Seym didn't even see in the Falandish era. The PiS argued that the resolution was invalid, all constitutionalists supported it, but the opposition protest ignored it. She had to, she fought for her life, in full desperation, in the dark, trying to guess if Kaczyński was going to fresh elections, or if she wanted to scare the Sejm. He himself did not make things easy, enigmatically stated: “Or a good coalition in this parliament or elections.” That day, the latest poll was announced, which gave PiS an absolute majority.
The next day, emotions rose. In the morning, the marshal suspended the proceedings, the opposition decided that this was the first step on the way to the dissolution of the Sejm. The opposition MPs remained in the courtroom, and the leaders began feverish deliberations. The plan was invented by Tusk with Gierty. If the session is suspended longer, the opposition will meet in the sitting room, dismiss the marshal and appoint a fresh one. The thought was fiercely disruptive, at the same time there would be 2 Marshals of the Sejm, each semi-legal. erstwhile Jurek found out about the plans, he issued a decision prohibiting the parliament from doing any work. “The Marshal broke the Sejm!” Lepper shouted. "This looks like a coup," Tusk dramatized.
The opposition met again, Tusk proposed that MPs meet in the University of Technology Hall and elect a fresh marshal. The plan was accepted. Tusk met Jurek and stated: “If the PiS does not step down, the opposition will gather itself and decide.” The Marshal decided to run distant from this movement and deliver a tv message in the evening. Everyone expected him to announce the dissolution of the Sejm, but at the last minute Jurek cancelled the message, as Jarosław Kaczyński decided. due to the fact that all the fuss was a cold game. Kaczyński didn't want a fresh election, he just panicked to force Lepper and Giertych again to support the government without letting them in.
The decision to resign from the accelerated elections was made a fewer days earlier, at the time of the top triumph of the Law and Justice, erstwhile he took Gilowska to the government erstwhile he was beating popularity records. She was among 2 people – the Kaczyński brothers. They thought the election was besides risky. But not for the authority of the president, who will be charged with abuse of the constitution. And not for the PiS, who won't get the right consequence in the election. They were frightened not by insignificant losses, but by large success, whose face would be Marcinkiewicz.
The opposition plans were harmless, the appointment of a fresh marshal was more a coup than a defence of democracy. The Law and Justice had better arguments and a stronger mandate. The government has no majority, it cannot effectively rule, so it refers to democracy. The pretext to announce the elections, i.e. the hold of the budget, was stretched, but the goal was unquestionable – the PiS dissolved parliament not to bypass democracy, but to cast its voice.
The organizational side was even better. The election preparations were buttoned. The presentation of the achievements of the first 100 days that just ended was to be the launch of the campaign. The first election films were already made, posters were prepared. The Law and Justice didn't give competitors the slightest chance. But with specified an advantage, the brothers panicked that the triumphant Marcinkiewicz would bargain Jarosław's organization and Lech's second term. The Kaczyńskis cancelled earlier plans due to the fact that they preferred to have a organization forever alternatively than a large triumph possibly for a moment.
Dorn couldn't realize the decision. He asked Jarosław: “Why didn’t we divided them up erstwhile we could? This chance will never happen again." Kaczyński honestly said: “Do you know who would be the most important? Marcinkiewicz!’
* Oh, my God *
A fragment of Robert Krasowski's book Kaczyński time. Politics as an eternal conflict, published by Red and Black publishing houses. Thank you for agreeing to reprint.
**
Robert Krasowski – Publicist and publisher, erstwhile editor-in-chief of „Journal of Poland-Europe-World”. Author of books devoted to Polish politics after 1989, including 3 volumes History of the 3rd Polish Republic, Interviews–Ariving with Leszek Miller, John Rokita and Louis Dorn, essay Democracy in Poland and books About Michnik.
