Ruslan Puchov is simply a well-known Russian military analyst, manager Think-tank Analysis and strategy Center. A Russian analyst can be attributed to a faction in the Kremlin that is not afraid to face the collective West.
Groups not afraid to face the Collective West pushed through a referendum on joining the Federation of the Russian Donetsk, Lugansk, Khersonsk and Zaporosk Oblast. Puchow is the author of a very interesting book Country. This book describes the Ukrainian-Russian conflict multidimensionally.
Kuczma patron saint of neo-banders
Russian analyst writes about a nationalist deep state within the power structures of the Ukrainian state. Contrary to appearances, it was not the Anglo-Saxons who pulled out as the first neo-Banders (the latter, on emigration took over the flag circles from the Germans). The neo-Bander community was the first political league to be supported by the president's environment. Leonida Kuczma. Had it not been for Kuczma and his surroundings, possibly neobanderism would have remained a local folklore. For fear of increasing parties specified as the Communist organization Ukraine and the Socialist organization of Ukraine (lifting legitimate anti-oligarchy slogans) Kuczma people began to advance neobanderism. As a result, he again won the presidential election in Ukraine in 2000. Kuczma in the second circular won with the Donbass-origin candidate of the Communist organization of Ukraine Petr Symonenka thanks to the voices of the neo-Banders. On the another hand, pro-Russian electorate and non-Russian people Kuczmy could have threatened that if not them – neo-banderers would come.
Bander deep state
At the end of Leonid Kuczma's second term, an increasingly celebrated Ukrainian politician was Viktor Yushchenko. Puchow writes interesting things about Katerina Yushchenko, his wife (before she met her husband she spent her full life in the United States). Ruslan Puchov writes about her relation with American intelligence. Viktor Yushchenko comes from the Sumi region, which has never been a forpost of flagism (in the Sumi region quite a few people talk Sużyk, or a mixture of Russian and Ukrainian languages). Yushchenko himself was a associate of the Communist organization of the russian Union. He gained popularity as a politician on anti-oligarchy slogans. Only during his presidential word did he become known as a supporter of Ukraine's NATO membership, as well as a lover Stiepan Bandery and Roman Shuchewycz. Puchov believes that during the time of Viktor Yushchenko neo-bander formed deep state in Ukrainian services and structures of power.
Disappointment and Transformations
Puchov besides describes the presidency Petra Poroshenko as a defeat of Kremlin politics. Poroshenko began his political career in the Social Democratic organization of Ukraine – an oligarchical group supporting Leonid Kuczma. The leader of this group was Viktor Medwiedczuk (one of the fewer oligarchs that can be described as clearly pro-Russian politics; president of the Russian Federation Vladimir Putin is the godfather of his daughter). Medwiedczuk was head of president Kuczma's office. Porosenko supported the orange revolution. In the government of the pro-Russian Prime Minister NikolaiAzarova from the organization of the Regions (Azarov wanted to pacify the majadan and showed greater firmness than the president Viktor Yanukovych) Poroshenko was Minister of economical improvement and Trade.After many erstwhile politicians of the organization of the Regions went formally and informally to his side. Moscow accepted Poroshenko as president of Ukraine. During his tenure, however, he only radicalized himself, declared Moscow a spiritual war, promoted the flags of political life in Ukraine.Ukrainians were fed up of the regulation of neo-Bander radicals and in 2019 the organization of the Servant of the People came to power, and the president on anti-war slogans, and demands for peace was elected Vladimir Zelenski (The Servant of the People and Zelenski won everywhere, but the Małopolska East – there Poroshenko and his European organization won Solidarity; on Donbasa and in the confederate part of the Ode region inhabited by national minorities won and Yuri Boyko and the Opposition Platform for Life). Puchov writes that under the influence of nationalist deep state Zelenski turned into a neo-banderer seeking confrontation.
Razumkow would have a very tiny chance.
The conclusion of Puchow's deliberations is obvious: even if a man acceptable to Moscow came to power, he was influenced by nationalistic deep state He would've confronted the Russian Federation anyway. The only possible candidate to be acceptable to both the collective West and Moscow would be Dmytro Razumkow (he is simply a boy Razumkova Alexander, founder of the Centre for economical and Political Research, Razumkow – junior is the erstwhile president of the ultimate Council of Ukraine for the People's Servants. Dmytro Razumkow opposed political repression even before the start of peculiar Military Operations, directed at Viktor Medwiedczuk, for which he lost his position). The problem is that this kind of candidate has no chance of choosing. In the 2012 parliamentary elections in Ukraine, parties were not anti-Russian – organization of the Regions (there were various factions in it; this organization could not be called pro-Russian, but both the electorate and the group were neither anti-Polish nor anti-Russian), The Communist organization of Ukraine, the Russian Block – received a full of 43.5%. After 2014, Crimea and the most populous parts of Donbas (about 6 million voters, most pro-Russian). Currently, the Russian Federation controls over 99% of the Lugansk region, over 70% of the Donetsk region, over 70% of the Kherson region, about 73% of the Zaporosk region. As we can see, millions more pro-Russian voters are leaving.
Unused resources
I do not agree with Puchow, who writes about Moscow having no political support among Ukrainian politicians. Ruslan Puchov cites an example Anatolia Sharija. By the time of the autumn referendums in 2022, many observers did not truly know what the political objectives of the Russian Federation were, it is so hard to wonder that many people condemned the war activities, as the blogger and politician Sharij (his example shows that average political activity is not possible in Ukraine; the Sharija organization was dynamic, not serenity like parties of compromised post-regions; it attracted youth in the south-east of Ukraine, causing violent physical attacks utilizing dangerous tools from neo-Bander militants). On the side of Moscow, a number of local politicians in the areas that Moscow was controlling have advocated this.
SBU and GUR cannot be ignored
The painting from the book Puchow emerges that Moscow is in no way able to make a friendly or even neutral Ukraine utilizing political means.He will so do everything to guarantee that Ukraine no longer threatens the Russian Federation. Puchov appreciates the capabilities and strength of the safety Service of Ukraine, as well as the strength of the Chief Intelligence Board of the Ministry of Defence of Ukraine. It comes to the right and apparent conclusion that these structures under the control of the Anglo-Saxons and the Collective West will continually reproduce Ukrainian possible (both in the political, military and terrorist strata).
Russian soldier's foot
From reading the book as well as from events on the front, I conclude that the Russian Federation will join further circuits in Ukraine. At the beginning of the peculiar Military Operations outside the territories of the Donetsk People's Republic, the Lugansk People's Republic and the Crimea Corridor, for example the working city of Melitopol, were not displayed Russian flags (I believe that even in the future Istanbul Agreements it would be noted that the corridor in Crimea would not be under the classical Ukrainian jurisdiction). Currently, everywhere the Russian army enters, Russian flags are displayed. The Russian administration of the Cherk region is inactive operating, and it is expanding, not only territorially, but besides in terms of authoritative positions. president Vladimir Putin called Odessa a Russian city respective times (although erstwhile he utilized the word Odessa is besides a judaic city). Putin besides said about 2 months ago that where there is simply a Russian soldier in Ukraine, there is Russian territory (that's why we can insert between fairy tales the emergence of Polish-speaking media about any territorial exchanges).
Waiting for Dnepropetrovsk
In the area of April, Russian troops began to approach the borders with the dynasties circuit. I was very curious if any makeshift border posts would be built, or if the Russians would enter the area of dnipropetrovsk. The Russians entered it and now, depending on the sources, control from 3 to 7 villages. Ukrainian services keep Mikhail Cariova – half-brother Olega Cariova, a erstwhile MP for the organization of the Regions who spoke on the side of the separatists in 2014. According to Ukrainian sources, Cariov was about to become head of the administration of the Djepropetrovsk Oblast, as shortly as the Russians occupied any larger city centre.
The time will come for fresh circuits
The book of Puchowa is worth reading due to the fact that it is simply a high-class specialist. The Russian expert is not afraid to criticize any of the actions taken by decision-makers in the Russian Federation. The book reflects the thoughts of many influential people in the Russian Federation who are not afraid to face the collective West. The most crucial conclusion is that there is no anticipation that the Ukrainian State is even neutral towards the Russian Federation, and even if specified people were to appear, they will follow the road of Poroshenko and Zelenski with various methods of pressure. I do not know how the conflict in Ukraine will end. Certainly, after reading this book and observing the actions of decision-makers in the Russian Federation, I conclude that there will be further amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation in territorial terms.
Kamil Waćkowski
