In issue 17-18 MP, I read Marcel Gralc's message on the comparison of the PRL and III elites of the Polish Republic referring to discussions during the broadcast It's been a week for you tube I was in.
Though I feel much little enthusiasm for characters like Mieczysław Moczar or Konstanty Rokossowski, I mostly agree with the author's thesis that the political elite of the PRL was not uniform. Its division is well documented in literature. Jerzy Jedlicki first did so in a loud essay "Chams and Jews", and respective decades later more, deeper, in the long term, presented the communicative inside the organization fight Ryszard Gonarz (as Jerzy Brochocki) in the book The March Revolution, which is fundamental to the cognition and knowing of this most crucial dispute in the political past of the Polish People's Republic.
On the another hand, 1 cannot agree with the proposition that in 1989 any crucial exchange of elites took place in Poland, thus opposing or even comparing the elites of the Polish People's Republic and the 3rd Republic on a systemic level is not justified. I wrote more about this in issue 7-8 MP, in the article “Deep State” comes out of the shadows, but in this place I will remind you that the communist elites remained intact in the judiciary, in science, in most peculiar services, in administration, and so in areas where the rule of selection of personnel by cooptation has been very much applicable for many decades of the Polish People's Republic and then III of Poland. Additionally, the PRL elites took control of the real centre of power which in the fresh strategy is the banking-financial sector and maintained from media advertisements. This arrangement of forces allowed the erstwhile elite to decently form the fresh political elite in the conventional sense, which, however, in the fresh strategy performs more decorative functions and can be effectively selected through financial, media, services, court sentences, and yet by a gravel truck or serial suicides. You can besides blame “bad” but helpless “politicians” for all disasters and direct a controlled protest towards them. The SLD ruled Poland rather a period of time – 1/4 of a century after 1989, but the influence of banking, media, services, courts was present and decisive all the time.
The current elite of the 3rd Republic of Poland was shaped for the needs of the fresh government as early as 1980, and even 1970, with the emergence of Western influence on the interior affairs of Poland. This was mostly the consequence of Edward Gierek's policy, which attempted to effect a bizarre hybrid of Western lifestyle for western loans with the preservation of an economy controlled centrally by dogmas of socialism. Above all, however, the evolution of the erstwhile elite occurred by a slow and then violent erosion of belief in the ideology that formed the basis of the erstwhile system. The complete surrender of erstwhile elites in this field shows memories Wojciech Wiśniewski entitled "Why Socialism Falled". Many of her fragments would not be ashamed Janusz Korwin-Mikke, However, the point is that the author was in the second half of the 1980s a full-time worker of KC PZPR.
In the Gierek era, who from the alleged opposition made a name and received support was decided by Radio Free Europe, the pressures of Western creditors' embassies and carrying out their will to service indirectly. This trial intensified in years of martial law and continued until the end of the Polish People's Republic. What kind of people were pushed abroad then, who made names and grew legends, who could come in and compose books in prison, and who lost their health, was decided by the PRL elite, whose members were increasingly going to American scholarships. I've been reasoning about it while listening to an interview. Matthew Piskorski with first interned and now the leader of Polonia in the USA Wojciech Jesmanif following a resume Dr. Norman Money, who acted in the solidarity underground, then emigrated and made a career in the American CDC (Centres for illness Control and Prevention – Center for illness Control and Prevention – US government's agenda) to yet become 1 of the most crucial and crucial professional whistleblowers of the alleged pandemic. There are no specified people here in Poland.
The national and patriotic wing was besides eliminated on the PZPR side. In this sense, 1980 and as a consequence 1989 was not an exchange of the PRL elites for the Solidarity elite, but as perceptively, although with appropriate elegant temperance he noted Antoni Koniuszewski was the final triumph of the Puławy faction, or as anyone prefers cosmopolitan. This was both ideological and personal, though somewhat obscured by generational change. This triumph was due to respective factors. Its cosmopolitan, totalitarian version of communism proved to be strikingly akin to what we see present under the name of globalism, climateism, sanitaryism, corporate power, censorship and omnipotent control. Not without the basis of many analysts and historians of the thought see the links and similarities between what we observe under the name of the large Reset with the classical Stalinist communism that prevailed until the turn of 1956 and which was guarded by Marshal Rokossowski and M. Moczar.
This direction is greatly encouraged by technological changes, although in many cases the impact is bidirectional. National patriotic socialism would most likely not have the strength to stay in Poland in the context of geopolitical changes, and above all what happened in Gorbachev's time in the USSR. specified attempts were made by Romanian leaders and in a little dramatic way by the GDR, but they had no chance of success. Only the leader of Belarus proved to be a boastful exception and an highly skillful statesman. The Poles, i.e. the pits of both organization and solidarity, did not have much influence on all this.
Even during the large revolutions, the fresh authorities are always to any degree forced to usage old human resources. This was the case in France after 1789, in the USSR after 1917, but what happened in Poland in 1989 had nothing to do with it. Unlike the Polish interwar elites, which were subjected to an almost 6 years of planned extermination, completed later in Stalinist times, nothing like this happened in Magdalena and the circular Table. On the another hand, a very successful operation was carried out to adapt the old elites to the fresh geopolitical and systemic reality and the willing and comfortable members of the decently profiled Solidarnosc were co-opted to participate in this procedure.and. All with real control and proportion. Sometimes there was any troublesome single activist or MP or 1 cadential party, but the strategy so constructed proved to be overwhelming and continuing to this day.
However, there is no uncertainty that the patriotic side on both sides besides lost what it did not gotta lose. There were no attempts at common understanding, due to the fact that the awareness of what is happening on the another side of the political barricade, and even more so in the world, the cognition of where there are real levers of power and dividing lines in the fresh system, among the masses on both sides was close to zero. any cursed the solitary, others seduced the anti-communist demagogue of their own leaders, on both sides many turned distant from politics. The puddles skillfully transformed their power, and the disoriented organization and solidarity people received games in the form of show fights in political theatre.
What else was the power of the Puławans?? They surely understood the mechanisms of politics better, they were better educated, they didn't even gotta "walk through institutions" due to the fact that for generations they ruled, had contacts and knew crucial people in the planet who needed to be known. They had no illusions about the essence of the fresh system, and the people treated like water in a basin full of slop, where the waves could be directed in any direction and in any height, or even any water poured out. They were besides driven and driven by the hard-to-understand desire for power for many of them, enabling them to lead subsequent revolutions even erstwhile they are directed against what they themselves had created at the erstwhile stage. They were characterized and characterized by moral-deprived brakes by a certain political and life-like activity that effectively eliminates rivals who adhere to solid principles or civilizational principles. An excellent image of the next generations of this “cosmopolitical” species was painted with a superb pen Anna Bojarska in his fresh with the key “What August taught me”. The powerful creator of the Wyborcza paper struck her as a punishment in a literary and marketplace failure. The elite of specified disloyalty besides in its talented members does not tolerate.
The comparison of the elites of the Polish People's Republic and the 3rd Republic is justified, but only in time, and then it is essential to take into account the broad background of civilization changes that follow throughout the Western world. To realize that the crisis of the West and the lowering of the level is not the consequence of the collapse of communism, whether on a global scale or in the Polish People's Republic, it is not essential to read works, for example. Neil Postman or José Ortega y Gasseta. Just put together the characters of Chancellors Scholz and Adenauer, Presidents Biden and Kennedy, compare the level of science, art, or durability or aesthetics of objects and buildings.
Finally, possibly the most crucial issue, although frequently overlooked: The elites of the fresh era usually carry with them education and baggage of habits from the erstwhile era. A pre-war GED that he was arrogant of Jerzy Ziemek, not to mention Cyrankiewicz's studies, Kluszko or Jędrychowski's studies, have placed the same mark on them as Peerelowski's universities on Leszek Balcerovich and people of the 3rd Republic that I will not mention the value of today's diplomas. The condition of Polish discipline at the end of the Game era was accurately described by the president of the Polish Academy of Sciences quoted by me in the above mentioned article. Prof. Janusz Groszkowski and do not change the individual affirmative cases.
Despite the disastrous circumstances of the interior and hopeless geopolitical situation, in part the Sanitation elite is rightly charged with the defeat of September 39 and the nightmare of subsequent occupations, but strangely, akin allegations are made to the PRL elites for ending its existence with what Alexander Zinowiev specifically called catastrophe. They lost, found themselves on emigration or died. They betrayed them, and they're doing great.
Nostalgia for the old times is simply a sympathetic feeling, but utilized as an argument in political analysis as the question always omitting the question of who is liable for the quality of the present generation – to what degree it is the "spirit of history", and to what degree the erstwhile generation. This second dependency should besides be an crucial indicator for our work here and now.
Olaf Swolkień
photo of wikipedia
Think Poland, No. 21-22 (19-26.05.2024)
