Below is an extraordinary paper on the future western border of Poland. In 1940/1941 a cell functioned as part of the work of the government of Władysław Sikorski to prepare Polish demands for peace conferences after the defeat of Germany.
This cell phone's work was directed. Marian Seyda (1979-1967), National Democracy activist. The office led by Seyda, where he worked, among others, young Antoni Dargas (1915-1991), future editor-in-chief of “Polish Thought”, took on different names – from the Office of War Goals to the Ministry of Congressional Works.
The Bureau's work was classified due to the fact that it was not desirable to announce far-reaching Polish border postulates before the end of the war. In the autumn of 1940, a secret paper was created in London entitled “Project of the outline of the fresh borders of the Republic” (dated 17.10.1940). It was sent to respective people with a request for an opinion. 1 of them was a vice admiral. Jerzy Świrski (1882-1959), Chief of Naval Management. In this paper Świrski powerfully emphasises the request to join the city of Szczecin. It was 1 of the first papers to postulate specified a solution. As it turned out, this request was fulfilled, although in completely different circumstances, neither Świrski nor anyone else could have foreseen at that time. The paper is in a folder concerning the western border of Poland, which is in the possession of the National organization Archives (ownership of the Roman Dmowski National Foundation):
M.S. Military.
Head of the Navy
51, fresh Cavendish Street,
London, W.1.
L. d. 149/tjn.
On 4 March 1941.
PM MINISTER SEYDA,
To my own hands
In consequence to that letter L.dz.15/41/D. of 15 January 1941, they politely report:
I.a. In the draft of the outlines of the borders, sent to me for inspection – in maritime matters – there is /p.16./ that Poland would have 5 major ports: Królewiec, Piława, Elbląg, Gdańsk and Gdynia.
For commercial purposes, Piława-Kingewiec is not convenient ports – these 2 can only be considered as 1 port.
Elbląg, on the another hand, is barely a port for shipping. It mattered centuries ago, as lying at the mouth of Nogat, erstwhile Gdańsk made difficulties and asked whether it would not be possible to direct the Vistula stream to Elbląg. That didn't happen. There is presently only a large shipyard, or alternatively its fraction /Schichauwerft/building, as far as we know, not just machinery and motorcycles.
Number five. the ports must so be reduced to 3 /Gdansk, Gdynia, Königligz/
b/ From issues of general-issues of the German population after experiences on our coast – I am optimistic.
If only after the defeat of Germany and the socialist and national movement Poland shows energy and the right organization, then the population, who will have a right to admit his or her Polish origin, will do so and the next generation will be Polish. Therefore, I think that the number of people who presently show any indifference in their political and organization activities at the time of their accession to Poland will declare Poland and our authorities will approve it will be greater than the memorial predicted.
- For the circumstantial questions asked to me, I have the honour to convey my opinion as follows:
a/ The Kilon Canal – is simply a German work aimed at enabling the externally uncontrollable movement of Germany's war fleet from the Baltic to the North Sea and vice versa.
For abroad trade, this was a shortening of the road, But the Germans, who benefited from this, benefited materially.
By the advancement of ship technology, air communication, the issue of "shortening the road" is not essential.
So the Kilon Canal is actually the most needed only to Germans, their war fleet.
The demilitarisation of the Canal and its close facilities has already taken place in the provisions of the 1919 Versailles Treaty.
It was crossed out by the 3rd Reich and another provisions of the Treaty.
Embossing the Channel region with inter-society, English or Polish troops – it will not solve the Channel's issues effectively and definitively.
Rebirth, I do not know how the German forces cut off in the future peace treaty, – 1 can never predict. 1 of its first efforts, unless it succeeds in asking and threatening first, will be to get the Channel back under German rule.
Therefore, the only definitive solution to the substance of the Canal and the safeguard against all future possibilities – and at the same time 1 of the major advantages of the anticipation of rebuilding German military power – is the demolition of the Kilon Canal.
Its flooding will be 1 of the easy ways to hire a mass of German working hands, presently engaged in military service or in the Reich's war industry.
b/ Of course, it will should be for the transition to the Baltic Sea and the Baltic Sea of dense warships, for example in our own and English interest, to supply another convenient way – which would be free from German control, which would be far from their shores.
There are presently 3 roads: tiny Belt, large Belt and Sund.
Only the large Belt provides a way to the Baltic of large warships.
It is navigationally uncomfortable and leads besides close to the German coast. It is so essential to deepen Sund to at least 12 metres. It now has depth allowing only smaller ships and light cruisers to sail.
Danja or Danja and Sweden must agree to this.
This work should besides be carried out on the Germans, who have the appropriate expertise and the appropriate in-depth rolling stock. Under the control of the Covenanted, of course.
c/ Control and care of this navigation way should stay in the hands of Englishmen and Poles forever, as well as military safety – the best by military cast of Polish and English islands of Zealand.
d/ 1 of the points of the future peace treaty should be the demolition of all fortifications and artillery on the German coast and islands.
e/ It is essential to supply for Poland guaranteed by the Treaty of the North Sea sea base for fisheries.
This request was felt before the war. It is simply a tiny marina for fishing vessels, transhipment capacity, retention capacity and tp.
It is not about Polish sovereign laws, but about guaranteeing usability under allied control. There would be the best area or a corner on the island of Sylt or Helgoland, which is known to service mainly German military purposes.
f/ On the Danish island Bornholm should be created an air and sea base for Poland and W.Brytania.
g/ Western border case.
For maritime affairs, no of the proposed border lines is good.
Szczecin must be included in Poland with the full bay and islands of Attribution and Volyn, and any safety from the west – So somewhere after the griffin.
No substance which, in addition to green, the boundary line would be expected.
Each of them should be tilted west adequate to meet the condition of joining Szczecin to Poland. Even though our western border for population reasons in its northern part has an unnatural, military-strategic disadvantage to the west.
This is essential for political and economical reasons.
Szczecin is simply a natural base of even pre-war Polish lands: advanced Silesia and the Warta basin. Even in 1939, sugar from Wielkopolska went by water to Szczecin.
Szczecin is the most convenient port for Czechoslovakia to have an appropriate free zone.
In the hands of the Germans, Szczecin creates a dangerous competition for ports: Gdynia and Gdańsk.
Szczecin is simply a port already connected to Dunaj /Odra-Dunaj Canal close Komieryż – Storage/ and hence a natural port for transit with Czechoslovakia, Hungary, Romania, Yugoslavia – from the Black Sea and possibly the Adriatic.
Szczecin is simply a powerful economical and so a political factor, which should be in the hands of Poland and not Germany.
h/ The truncating of the borders of Poland to the green line shown on the map would should be considered as the last limit of concessions at the unfavorable conjecture.
If this were to happen – then it is not possible to divide into half of Lake Łeba, now /relatively in 1939/the large base and school for German jets – but with appropriate facilities this lake belongs to Poland!
I ask the Minister on maritime matters to proceed gracious contact with me.
Head of Warmarine Direction
SWIRSKI, Vice-Admiral.
3 ch. – return
Photo: public domain and Roman Dmowski National Foundation
Think Poland, No. 31-32 (30.07-6.08.2023)
