The empire of the recognized parties [in Germany] decays, while the rebel village of alternate für Deutschland (AfD) grows and flourishes – so far.
In 3 bastions – Brandenburg, Saxony and Thuringia – the Land elections were scheduled for autumn. In all these places, AfD could become the strongest force, possibly even form a government. And suddenly, AfD's delegation is on everyone's lips. But how real is that? What are the another options to deal with uncomfortable rebels? The German weekly "Junge Freiheit" looked around the armory. Our Galician hero Asterix would most likely say: “They're crazy, those people from the establishment.!’. These are the 8 most crucial measures.
General prohibition of AfD activities
The toughest weapon in the fight against AfD would be the general deregulation of the party, including its related organizations. Only by a two-thirds majority of the respective national Constitutional Court legislature may specified a prohibition be imposed. Only the national government, the Bundestag and the Bundesrat can offer it. In the event of illegalisation, the party's assets would be confiscated and the MPs who got into parliament from organization lists would lose their mandate.
Although it would seriously hurt AfD, it wouldn't be the end. Representatives elected in direct elections would inactive hold their mandate. If there are enough, the AfD faction may inactive be with its parliamentary rights. AfD has already announced its intention to appeal the ban to the European Court of Human Rights. Although the chances of success in Strasbourg are great, this would not invalidate the Karlsruhe judgment. However, Germany would be compromised internationally.
Delegated Junge Alternative
Unlike AfD, Junge alternate (JA) [The young AfD] cannot trust on organization privileges.
The national Office for the Protection of the Constitution, which is subject to national and Land Home Affairs Ministries, plays a central role. Although the authorities are bound by instructions, they appear to be seemingly neutral control bodies which attributed JA to a hard description to assess, specified as “declared right-wing extremism‘. From this stigmatisation to the ban, it's not that far away.
It is rather possible that the ban will be lifted after years of legal disputes, as shown in the past by successful AfD trials against the Constitution Protection Office. However, this uncertainty alone can suffice to deter possible candidates from the conservative environment, especially if they are only at the beginning of their career. The organization will then miss them in case of a possible government participation erstwhile administrative positions request to be filled.
Attacks on the rights of parliamentary groups
It is hard for you to fight AfD erstwhile its members become deputies and form factions or parliamentary groups. For example, in 2019, the Bavarian Constitution Protection Office acknowledged that it had to halt the intelligence surveillance of 3 AfD politicians after they entered the Land Parliament and were part of the 32-member parliamentary group AfD. Consequently, it is up to the recognised parliamentary groups to surrender their unpopular rivals in parliament to all kinds of chicanos.
Newbies in the Bundestag were shown who was in charge during the first session of 2017, erstwhile the oldest typical – Wilhelm von Gottberg – he was not allowed to give the inaugural speech, which is simply a parliamentary tradition for decades. To this end, the Rules of Procedure have been amended. This was an excellent chance for the parliamentary faction of the AfD, due to the fact that the only deviation from this tradition was previously pushed by national socialists.
In fact, that explains the game. The AfD parliamentary group is denied the right, for example, to fill the position of Vice-President of Parliament, which has a crucial impact on the debate. This is criticised by the AfD parliamentary group, utilizing its information platforms, as it is virtually absent from the media of established standing. In turn, another parliamentary groups complain that the AfD faction presents itself as a victim, even though they make the situation.
Withdrawal of financing of the parties
In 2017, the national Constitutional Court stated in the context of the NPD illegalisation procedure that although the party's delegation is illegal, this does not apply to the withdrawal of funding. Therefore, according to Karlsruhe, the NPD's successor, Die Heimat, rightly has not received any money from the state since 2021. It was a clear clue that was readily accepted. In the same year, the Basic Act was amended to "Act excluding non-constitutional parties from organization financing‘. The main nonsubjective is of course AfD.
As AfD, unlike a organization of established standing, has fewer crucial business sector donors and is so peculiarly dependent on the reimbursement of election run costs, withdrawal would initially have an impact on it. AfD could, however, usage media interest to fundraising campaigns. If the courts, after an anticipated legal dispute, besides repeal the withdrawal, the failure of the reputation of their opponents would be enormous. This would not affect the funds of parliamentary groups.
Licensing by public broadcasters
AfD politicians are systematically marginalised not only by public television, as evidenced by their uncommon performances in talk shows; are besides mass-vilified. An example is the run initiated by the State-related Correctiv investigation network, who falsely associate AfD with national socialist displacement plans. These unfounded allegations were further disseminated by public broadcasters as alleged facts.
However, public tv itself is presently under force due to the fact that it is grossly violating the rule of programme neutrality. As polls rise, AfD politicians can be invited more frequently. Moreover, the crucial impact of public broadcasters on public opinion is inactive decreasing. Younger people are increasingly getting political information from social media. Here AfD is – most likely of necessity – much more present with its message than another parties.
Use of the “Constitutional Protection”
While German interior ministers can't just outlaw the party, The Constitution Protection Office allows them to attack undesirable competitors under the cover of seemingly nonsubjective power. The reliability of their findings is evident, for example, in Thuringia. Minister for the Interior Georg Maier (SPD)) marks AfD and JA as “Declared right-wing extremists‘. However, as a leader of the SPD, he is besides a political rival.
This authority has been in charge since 2015 Stephan Kramer, SPD and erstwhile Secretary General of the Central judaic Council. Therefore, in 2012 he publically insulted the policy of the Left organization Bodo Ramelov "part of the long tradition of the anti-Israeli Left". He works for him now, even without legal qualifications.
Attacks on fundamental rights
If the current trend continues, Björn Höcke, the leader of the Land and the AfD faction in Thuringia, may become the first Prime Minister for the Blue Democratic Party. Reactions to this anticipation are seen in a petition signed by 1.4 million people today, seriously demanding to halt the "fascist" and to deprive him of fundamental rights. ‘Höcke should no longer be selected’. For this purpose, it cites Article 18 of the Basic Act. The national government should file specified a motion at Karlsruhe, we read in the petition.
Depriving political rivals of the right to run for office in order to prevent them from taking power is simply a characteristic of authoritarian states. Article 18 permits in individual cases the regulation of freedom of speech, property and the right to asylum and has been unsuccessfully invoked only 4 times in the past of the national Republic of Germany. Experts say this right could be applied to associations or parties with less obstacles.
Attacks on organization Foundations
In addition to the authoritative grants to the parties – now almost EUR 200 million in the national budget – there is besides secret backing through alleged party-related foundations; a swamp where it disappears up to EUR 700 million annually with small supervision. If we look closely at the organizers of the demonstration against AfD, we frequently find suspicious associations that are financed not only from the funds of the ministry but besides from organization foundations.
Uncontrollable growth became apparent here erstwhile AfD wanted to get a part of cake for her Dezyderius Erasmus Foundation, which was, of course, denied. In fact, the parties helped each another with public property without a legal basis, which revealed the AfD suit to the national Constitutional Court. In response, the highest judges in Germany forced the parliament to pass a bill on organization foundations which was designed to exclude the AfD foundation for the time being.
The associated organization must be represented in the Bundestag for at least 3 terms, which is not yet the case of the AfD, and cannot be excluded from the financing of the party, which may shortly happen in the case of the AfD. While it is likely that the AfD suit will succeed, it will take years. In general, Karlsruhe is amazingly slow erstwhile the reason is AfD. AfD's first word of office is inactive pending.
This analysis was originally published by the weekly "Junge Freiheit".
For: ‘The European Conservative’
photo AfD profile on facebook
