The starting year is the year of the presidential election. Apart from the fact that they are of limited importance due to the peculiarities of the Polish constitutional strategy (de facto the President's institution is frequently the rationale of chaos and instability), as well as the external sterility of our country (the head of the state, like the head of the government, has a limited scope of sovereign powers, subject not only to reviews but besides to instructions issued from outside), it is worth considering their meaning from the point of view of the widely understood countersystem.
By this countersystem I mean those environments that reject on various levels the Polish political consensus established after 1989. The distinctions of counter-systemic reasoning will be to reject phobia and complexes in external relations (rusophobia, germanophobia, americanophilia, as well as all another -phobia and -philia), realism, sovereignty, negation of the Washington consensus (neoliberalism) in economical policy, recalling conventional values, identity and rooting. Thus, this countersystem can be regarded as a wide phenomenon, breathing many lungs and flowing countless currents, yet combined with certain common features.
At the level of Polish organization policy, and especially cabinet and parliamentary policy, this trend is not presently represented, but possibly virtually respective parliamentarians whose presence in the Sejm is alternatively a insignificant exception to the prevailing regulation in our public life. Despite this, any people who feel obliged to fight the strategy and argue the establishment today, as they do against all possible electoral campaigns, time, energy and resources (notabene usually very limited) for their participation in procedural democracy, increasingly in Europe with a large question mark, as has late been proven by the annulment of the results of the first circular of presidential elections in Romania.
The sterility of most attempts in electoral cycles and the increasingly little inclusive nature of procedures make it worth considering seriously the sense of participation (passive) in these increasingly devoid of deeper meanings of rituals. In this situation, the thought of the neo-marksist left (Antonio Gramsci) becomes peculiarly applicable and subsequently creatively developed by representatives of the European fresh Right (Alain de Benoist). It is about recognising the superiority of the metapolitics over the current political struggle, speaking Marxian – to reverse the dominant belief over decades of superiority of the superstructure base. The propaganda apparatus of the modern state-corporate hybrid managed to accomplish specified a level of control of society that it is hard present to imagine any anticipation of imposing its own narration or even breaking through with slogans not contained in the opponent's narrative. And if the political opponent determines the field of confrontation on which we clash with him, then this clash usually wins. He imposes the rules of the game, and even axiology, drawing the limits of what is morally acceptable and acceptable and determining the meaning of peculiar concepts, even if it deviates completely from the definitions of dictionary or scientific.
The political clash is so lost in advance, although accidents at work happen to the system. The latest Polish political past included Stanisław Tymiński, and later Andrzej Lepper. However, it has been many years since their time, and the strategy has applied a full scope of locks and protections to defend it from uninvited outside intruders. Under these conditions it is so worth to focus on the work on the aforementioned superstructure, namely the laborious building of centres of thought, culture, an unfettered space. This is besides the main task of the counter-system: it is to work on shaping the counter-eletry, which can be useful in stormy and changing times of Poland at a certain moment.
One specified expression of building an intellectual background and networks of common relations are the Polish thought Clubs, which have increasingly ambitious plans besides in the year which has just begun. possibly at first glance, their work seems to be little appealing than the dream of political power. Dreams, however, will stay nothing more than swarming, and rather real interpersonal ties, discussions and common learning are as real and tangible as possible. Therefore, let us focus on metapolitics, rejecting the waste of time and energy that is taking part in election performances today.
Mateusz Piskorski
