Otmar Wawrzkowicz was born in 1910. He came from a household of German roots1. Unfortunately, small more is known about his childhood and youth. He is known to have taken and completed economical studies at the Warsaw School of Economics2. It is hard to find erstwhile Wawrzkowicz first came into contact with activists and national ideas. While studying for WSH3 became an activist of the National extremist Camp (ONR)4. He was a associate of the secret Polish Organisation (OP) level “A” (highest), thus becoming 1 of the decision-makers in the environment of young radicals5.
The National-Radical Camp, as an organization operating on many levels, both public and secret, had external organizations in many environments that promoted ideas guiding ONR activities and the acquisition of fresh members and expansion of influences among each layer of Polish society. These actions were divided into alleged "terenes"6. Wawrzkowicz was assigned to 1 of the areas, who, together with Viktor Martini7 and Zygmunt Plamkowski8He was liable for working in a working environment. Activities in the working area active developing the influence of ONR among industrial workers and craftsmen, as well as developing socialist and communist communities and organizations. According to Adam Wilczyński's report, ONR-OP tried to affect the working environment from 1934 to 1935 through the “Working Poland” Professional Union (ZZ “PP”), which was then headed by Wiktor Martini, in addition to which Wilczyński mentioned Wawrzkowicz.9. The working area, mostly influenced by socialist and communist agitation, became an area that was to be ideologically "nationalized" by young radicals, which in the then realities became a novum in the activities of the widely understood national movement, which had not yet been more active in this environment10.
During the student period, Wawrzkowicz besides belonged to the organization Eagle White (OB), which is 1 of the grades (level 1) set up by Roman Dmowski by the secret organization “Guard”, bringing together members of the National organization (SN)11 and Camp of large Poland (OPP)12,13. During the period of his activity in the Polish/ONR Organization Wawrzkowicz, a model of right-wing and authoritarian movements, among others, from Italy, Spain, France and Romania, was a supporter of the concept of a secret organization, which, through its influence among the widest possible layers of society, was expected to fulfil a leadership and superiority over the mass political movement, whose task in the future was to gain power in the country, and in the absence of power by legal means, the concept of coup was predicted.14. This concept most likely did not gain much designation with the remaining members of the OP, hence the direction of action based on the organisation's elite alternatively than on its mass development.
In a akin direction, the “Piasecki Group”, i.e. the National-Radal Movement “Falanga”, who, incapable to break through and evolve into a mass organization, undertook talks with the sanatorium camp, following a series of concessions and compromises enabling them to be on the political outskirts of the then political phase of the Second Polish Republic. Despite the apparent failure of the concept of the organisation's growth and gaining influence in Polish society, as was about to turn out, ONR's secret activity was expected to interest in 1939. The outbreak of planet War II put young radicals in the face of fresh challenges that could be met by the models of the illegal activities of the Camp in the second half of the 1930s.
The last associate before the war of the Executive Committee (KW) OP included, among others, Otmar Wawrzkowicz. This committee was elected at the National Order Convention in April 193915. The first days after the election he described in his memoirs the recently elected KW Jerzy Iłlakowicz: A fewer weeks later, my superior yet got married and left for Zamość. Naturally, he had to file a mandate for a KW member. A week later, Victor. [Martini] and Oleś W[screams] They came to me at the Sugar Bank and declared that KW had decided to coopt me to his group to replace a colleague who stepped down. I thanked you for your trust, and so began my participation in the first KW of the 4 more that I belonged to during the war and a fewer months after it ended. Victor gave me the date and place of our first meeting. I remember perfectly well that he told me that his deputy would be Oleś W[screams]16.
On the eve of the war, in the June edition of the two-week socio-economic magazine “Alarm. Body of the Polish-Organic Union of Warsaw” (to which Wawrzkowicz was besides writing), associate of OP Wiktor Martini recalled the centuries-old and possessive politics of the German people, who for centuries seized Slavic lands, killing its inhabitants and casting them colonists. According to Martini, the mission The first generation of independent Poland is to reconstruct the western borders of the Polish hub and implement political concepts of Lives I and Bolesław Chrobry17. In the text we besides find the historical justification for the Polishness of western lands, including especially Pomerania and the lands located on the river Odra, which was to become the border Reborn Poland. Bearing in head the year 1939, erstwhile this text was written, Martini's words − The saber and bayonet will regulate our neighbourly relations with Germany. Today, erstwhile Germany borders with us from 3 sides, Poland more than always must be ready for an armed trial with German imperialism - They sound prophetic. On September 2, 1939, edited by ONR, the paper "ABC regular News" issued a call to members of the National extremist Camp: "ONR calls on all its members and sympathizers to fulfil their work to defend their homeland and to submit without reservation to military and civilian authorities, as an example of valor, perseverance and discipline"18. At the time, no 1 knew that the concerns to date would shortly become a reality, and that the anti-German policy to date, including Wawrzkowicz, would be subject to revision and evolution.
German aggression in September 1939 brought crucial staff changes, revision of existing postulates and programming points. As early as October 14, 1939, a group of OP activists, who in the conspiracy took the name of the “Szaniec” Group, established the Military Organization of the Lizard Union (OW ZJ)19. So said Władysław Marcinkowski20: I managed to establish contact with Tadeusz Salski and Othmar Wawrzkowicz. We decided to make an organization both military and civil. I was expected to be in charge of the military organization, and they were expected to be civilian and information-propagand. [...] We shared the work in specified a way that Othmar Wawrzkowicz dealt with propaganda and Tadeusz Salski rebuilt the political environment, and I, the only reserve officer in the 3 of us, a military organization21. The department that was subject to Wawrzkowicz was called the Ideowo-Teaching Division at the KG ZJ. In the conspiracy Otmar Wawrzkowicz utilized respective aliases: “Oles”, “Kaczkowski”, “Kaczkowski Marian” and “Tadeusz Marendowski”.
The Lizard Union had the character of a military organization for which diversion and, developed with success, an interview (Interview “West” ZJ), which gained many valuable information from 1939 to 1942, becoming a dangerous opponent for the war and civilian device of the 3rd Reich22. The political and managerial sovereignty over the JSC was exercised by the Shaniec Group (OP), for which the top challenge of the first business period was the restoration of the governing and territorial structures. The shortcomings in the cast of executive positions were due to losses associated with the war effort, as well as later panic of German and russian occupiers. They were peculiarly visible at the level of the management level of average and advanced pre-war ONR/OP activists. During the first period of the war, the head of the OP Executive Committee Viktor Martini went into russian captivity. A akin destiny was met by the president of the Political Committee “A” Jan Jodzewicz, who got into the hands of the Germans and was imprisoned in a flag23. Another serious blow to the environment of the “Szaniec” Group was the failure of Przemysław Warmiński, 1 of the leading OP activists and leaders of the national camp from Wielkopolska. Among those arrested or imprisoned, there were besides managers and activists of ONR School Groups, editors of writings and activists of higher OP levels specified as: Stefan Bławdziewicz, met. Henryk Suchodolski, Zygmunt Judycki, Wojciech Dłużewski, Edward Mustalski or Jan Wyszyński24. Since 1940 Mieczysław Harusewicz, a leading activist of the Political Committee “A” of the National-Radical Camp, was besides cut off from the country.25. At the turn of 1939 and 1940, the first president of the reconstructed Executive Committee (KW) of the National Order (ZN) became Otmar Wawrzkowicz. KW's activities were geared towards controlling the work of 8 thematic-task committees. In 1942, Wawrzkowicz was replaced in this position by Tadeusz Salski, and himself took up organizing the propaganda department26.
As a consequence of the organisational improvement of KW and ZN, coordinators and activists of circumstantial thematic and task groups were selected from among active spiritual members. The authoritative head of group No. 2, or propaganda department, became Wawrzkowicz (functioning in 1940–1943). The propaganda department was liable for coordinating activities and developing printing infrastructure. Printing materials in the conspiracy was an highly hard and dangerous activity. In order to carry out the publishing business, it was essential to have a conspiracy and, most importantly, a printing machine. The publishing methods and printing machinery and their quality depended on the financial resources available to the organisation. Moreover, the publishing activity consisted of a number of seemingly insignificant factors, specified as the availability of soap to wash off the paint (detection of paint stains may have led to the deconspiration of the printer and printer) and the quality of the paper. During the business paper was frequently obtained in the offices and administrative institutions of the 3rd Reich. This was a hard and dangerous task, hence it was frequently carried out virtually after respective pages of paper, continuing the course for a long period of time.
Despite organizational improvement and many merites in the field of intelligence activities of the OW ZJ, being an elite organization, she did not cover all the areas occupied by the Germans. Just as the site of the 3rd Reich was rather tightly intertwined by an intelligence agent, so in the area of the east Borders the first JHA facility was not established until the second half of 1941. At that time, Otmar Wawrzkowicz, who held it from 1941 until early 1944, was appointed the political manager of the territory of Lviv ZJ and NSZ.27. However, these structures were not numerous, alternatively skeletal, which indirectly resulted from the deficiency of developed pre-war ONR structures in the area. However, this does not change the fact that the above mentioned structures led by “Oles” became the origin of the 14th territory of the National Armed Forces created in 1943. At a later time, Wawrzkowicz was appointed head of the 2nd Branch of the ZJ-NSZ territory of Kielce and Częstochowa.
Wawrzkowicz, being an active and proven individual in pre-war activities, especially in the working environment, which required persistent work, began to organize the propaganda department with equal enthusiasm, which is an crucial component of the conspiracy activity, which, through leaflets, newspapers and another materials, not only informed Polish society, but besides kept them up-to-date. The experience of activity in the working environment predisposed Wawrzkowicz to take over as 1 of the managers of the “Working Area” and then “Working Crews”, which “Oles” held until 194128. At the moment, the exact list of the secret printers of the “Szaniec” Group, or the personnel working in them, is not known, which was closely related to the conspiratorial nature of the activity and the desire to avoid deconspiration. Otmar Wawrzkowicz was the main organizer of “Szaniec” printers.29. From the evidence of Antoni Goerne, the first editor of the newsletter of the Świętokrzyska NSZ Brigade “In March and Fight”, submitted during the investigation, we besides know that he was the individual liable for the ideological direction of this writing: Upon arrival, I contacted Dąbrowski ps. Bohun, to whom I presented the intent of our arrival. Wawrzkowicz, who introduced me to Bohun as a erstwhile ONR activist and editor of ONR's “ABC” magazine before 1939, took the floor. At the same time he told Dąbrowski that ONR's management had directed me to the position of editor to the Świętokrzyska Brigade in order to advance ONR's ideology by issuing various propaganda magazines, brochures and bulletins, to which Bohun agreed30. Let us remember that these are evidence given to the communist safety authorities, which does not change the fact that they were trying to camouflage the actual origin of OP/‘Szaniec’ activists, while promoting, modified for wartime, pre-war ideas. The Polish organization, utilizing the name “Szaniec” in the conspiracy, practically gave up the first name − National-Radical Camp, which was increasingly used. Colonel Tadeusz Boguszewski described the adoption of a fresh name: [...] First, for tactical reasons, a extremist expression was released, then − besides for tactical reasons, as well as for changes in assumptions and slogans − the front name of the Szaniec Group began. [...] A very crucial argument in the absence of the ONR title was the tendency of a number of smaller para-military organisations to integrate themselves into a scope of structures that were more many and organisational. The word ONR against the backdrop of the Germans, alternatively repellent. The Shaniec Group, with an ideology adapted to the current state of affairs, raised no uncertainty and reservations. [...] Thus, for any Shaniec Group was just an external facade for the old ONR, for others she was the heir of ONR, who rejected the Ideowa Declaration of 1934 and developed a new, updated version of the perfect of future Poland. [...] An excellent part of the ZJ and NSZ-ZJ soldiers accepted that the Shaniec Group is an organization completely fresh and completely independent. Many of them had no thought about ONR and that part of the political leadership came from the National extremist Camp.
The governing and decision-making body for the National Armed Forces was the Provisional National Political Council (TRNP), which was to balance the influence of both major national camp groups co-founding the NSZ. An eight-member Bureau was elected at the TRNP gathering on 8 May 1943, which included Otmar Wawrzkowicz. He was besides delegated from the OP to keep contact with Zbigniew Stypułkowski, who was then (these talks took place in the first half of 1944) a typical of General “Bora”. This choice confirmed the strong position of Wawrzkowicz in the “Szaniec” and NSZ Group, which in the future would translate into making many key decisions by him, including those related to the activities of the alleged “two” or Interview31. In 1943, in order to improve the flow of information between the external groups and the Political Committee, a level of "D" was established, the Directorate, liable for the level "A". The ‘D’ included 5 members from political and military groups, including Wawrzkowicz32. The reorganisation proved effective, which greatly improved the functioning of existing groups and structures.
At the turn of 1942 and 1943, the OP Political Committee level A allowed the NSZ to contact the German side, specifically Paul Fuchs, a Gestapo officer at Radom33. Oversight of contact with Germany was supervised by Bolesław Sobociński34, while Wawrzkowicz led the actions themselves. These contacts were counterintelligence, and their aim was to defend NSZ members from arrests, which was natural during the occupation, due to the fact that most of the organization had not only contacts, but besides its agents in hostile structures. According to Colonel Tadeusz Boguszewski: Fuchs existed and it is actual that representatives of the NSZ Intelligence (OP) spoke to him repeatedly, especially Otmar Wawrzkowicz, according to the directive of Prof. Sobociński35. specified actions were intended not only to get the information needed, but besides to supply false information to the another party. Kazimierz Gluziński outlined the beginnings of intelligence contacts: [...] were after Stalingrad contacts of the NSZ intelligence with the German anti-Hitler group led by the head of the Gestapo from Radom, held by 2 men “Hubert” and Otmar. They brought only 1 substance to the attention - not to disturb each another in the fight against enemy No. 1 − communism from the USSR36. According to Władysław Marcinkowski, the cell led by Wawrzkowicz was subject to the control of the political leadership of the “Szaniec” Group, but was excluded from the competence of the military factor37. The management of the cells was entrusted to Witold Gostomski, as the head of the “two” and Wawrzkowicz, who spoke German fluently, but besides belonged to the close management of the organization, which demonstrated the large importance the environment of the “Szaniec” applied to this episode of tasks. According to Marcinkowski mentioned above, Gostomski was perfect for this work. He was a meticulous man, able to choice up the most valuable reports from the pile, with his untapped strength, working frequently after respective hours. In comparison to the above short description of the Gostomski character, the characteristic of Wawrzkowicz is interesting: Othmar Wawrzkowicz worked closely with Witold Gostomski. It was the distinct other of what Witold Gostomski was. After his Italian ancestor, he inherited a hot temper. confederate temperament. He was incredibly assured and stubborn. It took quite a few effort to convince him that his position was wrong. Before the war, I had been friends with him for a long time, and we frequently had sharp clashes about our political organization. However, we have always come to an agreement. [...] In the conspiracy work, his superb intelligence and energy gave our 2 tremendous services. In particular, erstwhile they were filtered by the calm and balanced character of Witold Gostomski38. This characteristic was supplemented by Neyman, who described Wawrzkowicz as known for his self-sacrifice and making, and even his sacrifice39.
In the case of members of the JSC, the work of the office was closely linked to the intelligence work of the Order. The order group included Witold Gostomski, Otmar Wawrzkowicz, Antoni Szperlich and Edward Kemnitz. Bolesław Sobociński led the full work40. This structure was superior to the interview of the JZ and later the NSZ, which gave her large freedom of movement and the choice of contacts to the current requirements. According to the evidence given by Antoni Szperlich, within the framework of anti-communist intelligence Sobociński, Gostomski and a associate of the management of OP Wawrzkowicz Otmar, who selected anti-communist materials, decided in Warsaw and Warsaw district.41. This is simply a confirmation of the influence that Wawrzkowicz had especially on an episode of anti-communist activity, which, since the defeat of the German troops at Stalingrad, became the main direction of the intelligence activity.
In the face of the progressive russian front, the management of the OP and the NSZ KG decided to evacuate from the capital. The activists moved to Częstochowa, Krakow, and later (as directed) they were to go to Silesia. Among the OP activists who decided to leave the capital were Tadeusz Todtleben, Lech Karol Neyman, Jerzy Iłlakowicz, Władysław Marcinkowski, Otmar Wawrzkowicz, Kazimierz Gluziński, Antoni Goerne and the full intelligence unit under the command of Major Gostomski.42. It was in Częstochowa that Wawrzkowicz could, with the aid of Captain Tom43, proceed intelligence activities in the anti-communist direction. It was during the period of operation in Częstochowa that a tragic trial took place inside the structures of the NSZ, erstwhile the Chief Commandant of the NSZ was liquidated – Stanisław Nakoniecznikoff-Klukowski ps. “Kmicic”. There are respective hypotheses about the origin of his death. 1 of the reasons for the liquidation is the alleged willingness to subjugate the NSZ of the Polish People's Army and keep contacts with the Polish National Liberation Committee. This version is confirmed in his memoirs by Colonel Tadeusz Boguszewski, who claims that during the Warsaw Uprising Nakoniecznikoff made contact with Colonel Julian Skokowski, commander of the combined forces of AL, PAL and KB in Warsaw. Upon arrival in Częstochowa, he intended to sign an act of subordination of the NSZ alleged government of Lublin. Another version of Stanislaw Nakoniecznikoff's death talks about an effort to subjugate the NSZ of the Home Army, which was incompatible with the programming line of the “Szaniec”/OP Group. However, according to another version, any members of the “Szaniec” Group, in order to bring as many NSZ members to the West, chose the tactics of cooperating with the occupied German authorities, which in turn did not meet the acceptance of the NSZ Command, hence the decision on the death sentence. most likely Wawrzkowicz (if he was not a direct executioner, he could have given specified an order) in the liquidation of Nakonieczekoff, with the participation of people from the Organization of Tom. According to Sebastian Bojemski, the death conviction was handed down by an organizational court, which included high-ranking OP-ONR activists, including, among others, Otmar Wawrzkowicz. As a confirmation of this thesis, the author gives the memories of Iłlakowicz: First of all, we agreed that decisions would be made unanimously. Then we collected all the reports and information [on the activities undertaken by Colonel Kmicica], pros and cons and then we examined them very carefully. We spent 3 days in a vote. [over the death sentence]. all time individual was against the highest penalty. On the 3rd day we received an alarming study from [Władysława ‘Jaxy’] Marcinkowski that “Kmicic” is expected the next day in Brigade [Świętokrzyska]. At the same time, at the morning meeting, he told us [“Kmicic”]that for now he intends to stay in Czestochowa and to reorganise fresh NSA units. That was the final proof. [betrayals]. The next vote was unanimous. Gluziński wrote a death conviction that we all signed. It is said that this judgement was read to ‘Kmicic’ 44.
The second event, which is simply a shadow on Wawrzkowicz's résumé, was the case of the liquidation of Lieutenant Adam Pacholczyk, who was allegedly to die at the hands of Wawrzkowicz and “Tom”. To this day, however, there is no evidence or evidence to support this allegation.
The outbreak of the Warsaw Uprising brought reorganization of OP structures. The activists who were in Częstochowa and Krakow chose a replacement KW “National Order”, whose temporary manager was Kazimierz Gloziński, appointed on 9 August 1944, to the Head of the Political Council of the NSZ-West, who took over the powers of the Political Council of the NSZ. After the shift of most activists, respective meetings were organised to discuss the current situation, further destiny of the Świętokrzyska Brigade and the direction of the POs. In the second half of 1944 1 of specified meetings was held, which was organized in Wawrzkowicz's apartment, in Krakow at 45 Karmelicka Street. 45. At this meeting, Wawrzkowicz gave a study on the request to establish tactical cooperation with Germany, which was to prevent NSZ members and soldiers from being arrested and let them to evacuate from the approaching Red Army. According to the present gathering of Stanisław Kasznica, Wawrzkowicz He made a large move. [...] cooperation with Germany [...] explaining that only through cooperation can it save NSA and Brigade organizations46 According to further statements, Kashnica, a talker who supported Wawrzkowicz's direction of action was Iłlakowicz, according to whom the contacts of “Olesia” with Fuchs could let the acquisition of radio stations and the increase of anti-communist actions 47. Both of these speeches were met with a strong criticism of the KP Board, who resigned against these plans. According to the meeting, Wawrzkowicz and Iłlakowicz's proposals went far beyond the 1943 findings, which afraid only intelligence links. 48.
After the death of Gostomski, the erstwhile head of intelligence, Wawrzkowicz became the head of the "two", who continued to contact the German side, mainly with the aid of the Organization "Tom". According to the commander of the ‘Bohuna-Dąbrowski’ Brigade, aid granted by Captain Tom was very useful49Moreover, ‘Bohun’ stated that the services of the ‘Toma’ Organisation were at the time utilized by all underground organisations but for communists. As he appeared in the Brigade, “Tom” provided “Bohun” with information on marches of smaller German troops, helping to destruct them50.
In the face of the immediate threat of the business of Częstochowa by the Red Army Wawrzkowicz together with Iłlakowicz and “Jaxa” Marcinkowski, they joined the Świętokrzyska Brigade, but to the west they crossed independently of the march way of this unit. In January 1945, Wawrzkowicz, along with Iłlakowicz and Todtleben, attempted to make contact with the American Army as shortly as possible, which would supply appropriate support to the Brigade. It is not the first time that contact with Germany during the journey was facilitated by papers obtained from Captain Tom. In 1945, an intelligence center was created in Ratizbon by the environment of the OP and soldiers of the Brigade, which included Wawrzkowicz and Captain ‘Tom’. At that time, Wawkowicz headed emigration intelligence points, utilizing his experience to make contact and cooperate with American intelligence. Around the same time, the American intelligence, which hired him as its agent, could have taken over “Tom”, which was confirmed in his commanding function on the Red Cross mission in the Czech Republic, which was de facto an American intelligence exposition. The intelligence center in Ratizbon was under the supervision of the U.S. Counter Intelligence Corps (CIC). According to Jan Żaryn, in 1945 Wawrzkowicz, who had previously made contact with German intelligence, was taken over by Americans (e.g. after Rainhard Gehlen went to the Allied side), becoming a CIC agent 51. Wawrzkowicz had many valuable materials concerning anti-communist activities, so the most needed American intelligence at the time erstwhile the outbreak of planet War III was expected. Furthermore, for the OP, Wawrzkowicz was liable for the post office, which besides served the letters of WiN and the way of transport to the country.
Despite the end of the war in the OP environment, there were inactive disputes about the scale of Wawrzkowicz's cooperation with Germany. This dispute was revived by an alliance proposed by the “Olesia” with a prosanative option related to the “Stronship of Freedom” (Nowicki-Rusinek political party). Through this alliance, he advocated that the management of the activities take over the environments of the country, while abroad expositions should follow instructions from the country52. During this time, Wawrzkowicz besides connected with the individual of the colonel. Jan Kamiński, an emissary of the Government in the exile to a country that had respective times broken into the country and back. It was to him that the emigration funds were entrusted to invest in order to multiply them. Unfortunately, most of the investment proved to be unsuccessful and the assets were lost. most likely associated with the aforementioned activity was Wawrzkowicz himself, which would later tragically affect his fate. As a consequence of the conflict within the OP and Wawrzkowicz's claim on the prosantic side, he lost the dispute with the activist OP Harusewicz and was charged by his colleagues for his cooperation with Germany and removed from participation in the National Order 53.
Using the name Marian Kaczkowski, he left for Canada and moved to Montreal. He suffered a painful experience of household tragedy, after which he committed suicide in 1951, completely devastated.
Bartosz Tomczak
1J. Czaryn, The line dance over the abyss. Polish Organisation in Exile and its Communication with the Country from 1945 to 1955, Warsaw 2011, p. 100.
2The area where young activists of the nation were peculiarly active was the Warsaw academic community. Young nationalists were part of university student structures, self-help organisations and technological circles. With these measures, they have continuously expanded their influence, creating increasing groups of sympathizers.
3According to Warsaw University of Technology student Adam Wilczyński, Otmar Wawrzkowicz was besides included in the organization group “Bratniak” on WSH (self-help student organization). [in:] W. J. Muszyński, The Spirit of the Young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 53.
4The National-Radical Camp was formed by a divided which was made mainly
in the Warsaw environment. The session was conducted by a group of the All-Polish Youth (MW), which is the Academic Branch of the OWP, headed by Jan Mosdorf, Henry Rossman and Bolesław Piasecki. The establishment of the fresh organisation was besides supported by the Poznań MW environment, which was joined by members of the Young Nationals Union. Later it turned out that the breach in the structures of the national camp was performed mainly by Warsaw and Poznań activists, whose activities did not meet with enthusiasm of structures in another areas of Poland. Young radicals saw the foundation of their declaration, announced on April 15, in revolutionary, authoritarian and emerging and popular European full movements. Members of the April Declaration were: Tadeusz Gluziński, Władysław Dowbor, Jan Jodzewicz, Jan Mosdorf, Mieczysław Prószyński, Tadeusz Todleben, Wojciech Zalewski and Jerzy Czerwonski. However, many another crucial activists, specified as Henryk Rossman, Mieczysław Harusewicz and Witold Kozłowski, were not signed under the declaration, who, while holding public positions in the state administration, could not uncover their organization affiliation. Young radicals felt that only a conscious citizen had the right to decide the destiny of their homeland, hence they were active in academic areas, where they advocated greater access to higher education places for students from mediocre families and agrarian communities. besides economical demands, which were mainly made by Marian Reutt, aimed at modernising manufacture and improving the working conditions of workers. Young radicals felt that the economy had to be based on the principles of corporateism, which was to integrate all social groups and thus to unquestionably solve all their problems and regulate the market. It is estimated that the capital of ONR had about 5,000 members, and in Poznań about 1000.
5The Polish organization was the governing body of ONR. It was created like a pyramid, dividing into levels. The lowest level is the "S" - section, "C" - Czarniecki and the highest "Z" - the National Order, while the decision-making body and the highest in the hierarchy was the "A" level, the Political Committee. The higher levels were contravened before members of the lower levels. It was within the secret level of the OP that tactics and modes of action, program and direction of propaganda activities were established. The Polish organization was besides liable for commands and directives, which were subsequently executed by the public ONR. The ‘A’ level was directed by the three-member Board elected erstwhile a year.
6R. Sierchula, A communicative of a reasoning man. Lech Karol Neyman (1908–1948), Warsaw 2013, p. 58.
7Viktor Martini − born 2.08.1910 in Zagórze. During his studies he worked in the ranks of the All-Polish Youth and then the Camp of large Poland. Since its beginning, ONR has been among the most crucial activists. During the split, he sided with ONR "ABC". He was part of the National Order and the Political Committee "A". In February 1939, he was mobilized into the army, was assigned to the COP's Baon "Sejny". During the war, he was active in fighting the German army and then with the entering Red Army. Taken prisoner by Soviets, he was placed in a Kozielsk camp and murdered in Katyn. The German authorities, not knowing about his death, sought him until 1942, due to suspicions of cooperation with the conspiratorial group “Szaniec”.
8Zygmunt Plamkowski − born in 1900, activist of the National-Radical Camp, during the war of the Bergen-Belsen prisoners. He died in 1945.
9W. J. Muszyński, The Spirit of the Young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 132.
10According to W. J. Muszyński, according to the reports of the Ministry of abroad Affairs of 1939, ONR-OP had about a 100 workers. In addition, at the end of 1938, work began to establish a National-Radical Trade Union (RZZ), which was to become an alternate to ZZ ‘PP’, where ONR-OP's influences decreased. [in:] W. J. Muszyński, The Spirit of the Young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 133.
11The National organization (SN) was formed in October 1928 as a consequence of the transformation of the People's-National Union, which, in Roman Dmowski's opinion, lost its right of being in the political realities of that time. The task of the SN was to conduct current political activities of the national camp. 1 of the main goals of the Program organization was to build a Catholic state of the Polish people. The SN created a hierarchical organization whose aim was to transform the political strategy by legal methods, thereby expanding the function of the national elite in the state. According to any data in 1938, the National organization had more than 200,000 members, being 1 of the most many political organizations in the Second Poland.
12The Camp of large Poland was conceived as a cross-party social movement, which was to unite as wide a social ellipse as possible, becoming a consolidating and connecting plane of various political groups, especially from the national environments of the right and centre organizations. Among another things, there was a deficiency of unequivocal condemnation of sanitation governments and systemic solutions, that is parliamentary. Furthermore, according to Dmowski, the OWP was to become a forge that would supply future political activists, intended to bring into force the perfect of a national state and constitute a vital political force, both on the interior and global political stage.
13W. J. Muszyński, The Spirit of the Young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 55. “Orzeł Biały” was tasked with directing activities in the academic environment and coordinating the activities of members in the environment of, among others, student corporations, technological circles and “Brother of Aid”. Roman Dmowski was at the head of the “Guard”, which included the OB. The division of the structure into degrees of introduction was intended to choice candidates for higher levels, which entailed greater work and scope of tasks. respective OB groups existed in Warsaw. The group consisted of 5 to a maximum of 10 members and formed thematic sections.
14W. J. Muszyński, The Spirit of the Young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 115.
15The Executive Committee (KW) was liable for the activities or work of 1 of the OP departments.
16W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 502.
17W. Martini, What We Must Remember, “Alarm. Body of the Polish Union − Warsaw District”, 1939, No. 7, p. 1.
18W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 404.
19The Polish organization in the conspiracy, utilizing the name "Szaniec Group", practically gave up the first name of the National-Radical Camp, which over time was increasingly used. And the name of the Lizard Union referred to the union of armed nobles from the Chelmin land founded to fight the Teutonic Order. Colonel Tadeusz Boguszewski described the adoption of a fresh name: [...] First, for tactical reasons, a extremist expression was released, then − besides for tactical reasons as well as for changes in assumptions and slogans − the front name of the Szaniec Group was adopted. [...] A very crucial argument in the absence of the ONR title was the tendency of a number of smaller para-military organisations to integrate themselves into a scope of structures that were more many and organisational. The word ONR against the backdrop of the Germans, alternatively repellent. The Shaniec Group with ideology adapted to the current state of affairs did not rise any doubts or objections. [...] Thus, for any Shaniec Group was just an external facade for the old ONR, for others she was the heir of ONR, who rejected the Ideowa Declaration of 1934 and developed a new, updated version of the perfect of future Poland. [...] An excellent part of the ZJ and NSZ-ZJ soldiers accepted that the Shaniec Group is an organization completely fresh and completely independent. Many of them had no thought about ONR and that part of the political leadership came from the National extremist Camp. In addition, an interesting assessment of NSZ branches included a Gestapo study from late 1944: The large political goal of the National Camp, including the NSZ, is to fight for Poland's independence, with the following issues leading up to:1. the capture of East Prussia for Poland, the 2nd capture of lands up to Oder and Nysa. [...] The NSZ developed their military organization almost all over the territory of the erstwhile Polish state, but especially concentrated on the left bank of the Vistula River. Their battalions and independent companies were the most crucial insurgent forces alongside the AK. The NSZ's ranks consist of soldiers trained on a clear, idealistic basis, who either acted in 1 of the national groups before the war, or politically and militantly proved themselves during the September 1939 tragedy or in an underground fight against Germany. [in:] O NSZ, https://www.nsz.com.pl/index.php/o-nsz, 01.05.2019.
20Władysław Marcinkowski ps. “Jaxa”- was born on 26.05.1906 in Skarżysko-Kamienna. He graduated from the Stanisław Staszic advanced School in Warsaw. In 1931 he received a degree in engineering from the Mechanical Faculty of Warsaw University of Technology. During the interwar period, he held military service at the Podchorze School of the Sapper Training Center, and besides completed a course at the Armored Weapons Training Center and a course of Infantry Battalion Commanders for method Officers. Until 1939, he worked for an engineering company whose founder was his father. He was 1 of the organizers and leaders of the Military Association of Lizards. After the uprising of the National Armed Forces, he was a associate of the political body of the NSZ – Provisional National Political Council. On 13.08.1944 he assumed the position of Deputy Commander of the Świętokrzyska NSZ Brigade. Colonel National Armed Forces.
21The president ‘Jaxa’, Memories 1934–1945, Warsaw 1998, pp. 51−53.
22The General Governorate and the German Reich were covered by a network of intelligence institutions. Among the most active intelligence centers were Gdynia, Starogard Gdański, Poznań or Bydgoszcz. Intelligence materials collected by the Interview “West” of the ZJ-NSZ included information on military, economical and civilian population. Among the top successes of the ZJ Intelligence is the location of the "Tirpitz" battleship, a secret rocket investigation centre or the acquisition of materials concerning a number of military operations of the German Army command. To fight the ZJ interviewers, the Germans appointed a peculiar unit of Sonderkommando ZJ.
23Due to its competence and scope, the deficiency of "A" level activists has hampered the first months of operation of the OP environment. The pre-war "A" level structures were to be transferred to the reality of the wartime conspiracy.
24W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 208.
25Mieczysław Harusewicz − born 28.09.1899 in Ostrów Mazowiecki. Defender of Lviv, associate in the 1920 War. After graduation, he worked as an engineer in Gdynia and Stalowa Wola and served as a wellness inspector of the capital city of Warsaw. active in the activities of the Camp of large Poland and National Party. In 1934 he joined the formed ONR, forming part of the Political Committee. He became active in the conspiracy, but in the spring of 1940 he moved west to make contact with the emigration government and legalization of ONR at the refugee. After the war ended, he ran his own business in the west. He was active in national and publishing work. He returned to Poland in June 1989. He died 18.02.1991.
26According to W. J. Muszyński, the improvement of the propaganda department was independent of Wawrzkowicz's management function. [in:] W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 210.
27W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 227.
28The letter has been published since March 1942 as a two-week survey for the working environment. In addition to the information-programme character, “The Crew” was peculiarly focused on raising awareness of the working group due to the threat of German propaganda, which promised to relieve the work of the Polish worker, utilized so far by Jews and capitalists.
29W. Miłkowski, Printers and printers of ‘Szaniec’, p. 111 [in:] Red. M. Szymanski, Z. Kuciewicz, Z. Gnat-Wieteska, J. Nachtman, NSZ. Documents, Relations, Memories, Warsaw 2000.
30W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 297.
31Neyman testified that in an interview with Gloziński he stated that Wawrzkowicz was an crucial adequate figure that his arrest could consequence in deconspiration of the organization. To which Gluziński replied that Wawrzkowicz He committed himself to the organization to commit suicide and to this end he kept the poison on him. [in:] R. Sierchula, A communicative of a reasoning man. Lech Karol Neyman (1908−1948), Warsaw 2013, p. 274.
32R. Sierchula, A communicative of a reasoning man. Lech Karol Neyman (1908–1948), Warsaw 2013, p. 129.
33Ibid. p. 115.
34Bolesław Sobociński − born 1906, pp. “Ravicz”, “Wujek”. He was a postgraduate of the University of Warsaw, where he obtained his PhD and habilitation (Mathematic and Nature Department). PO associate level ‘Z’, supervised the activities of the ZJ and NSZ intelligence. After the war, he left for the United States. He died in 1980.
35S. Bojemski, Before Hitler falls the death of the communists! Anti-communist Intelligence of the National Armed Forces under German business from 1942 to 1945, Warsaw 2018, p. 316.
36Ibidp. 316.
37W. Marcinkowski "Jaxa’, Memoirs 1934−1945, Warsaw 1998, p. 68.
38The president ‘Jaxa’, Memories 1934–1945, Warsaw 1998, p. 69.
39R. Sierchula, A communicative of a reasoning man. Lech Karol Neyman (1908–1948), Warsaw 2013, p. 274.
40S. Bojemski, Before Hitler falls the death of the communists! Anti-communist Intelligence of the National Armed Forces under German business in 1942–1945, Warsaw 2018, p. 55.
41Ibid. p. 107.
42W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 331.
43Hubert Jura pp. “Jerzy”, “Augustyniak”, “Kalinowski”, “Herbert Jung”, “Tomach Zan”, “Tomach Kamiński”. Many legends and myths proceed to circulate around this character. He was most likely born in 1915 in Tucholskie Borach. most likely came from a Pomeranian household with Polish and German roots. Until 1943, he commanded a branch of the National Army, after which he had created his own organization, maintaining contact with Germany, the goal of a joint fight on the anti-communist section. After the war, “Tom” was to operate in an American-created intelligence grid intended to operate under russian occupation. His further destiny and date of death stay unknown.
44https://superhistory.pl/second-world-war/127575/1/death-kmicica.html?fbclid=IwAR3Uu1QoQ24KtKtDLESl8chAqM1qZOj-6EoucyfdX8Lup7pr6moJFmOJY, dt. 20.03.2020. In the above-mentioned article, the author besides cited the evidence of Skokowski himself, who was asked by investigators of the safety Office about the circumstances of the death of “Kmicic”: In the mediate of the uprising at the end of August, or in the beginning of September 1944, I met erstwhile with “Kmicice”, Nakoninikowe-Klukowski, whom I had previously met before the uprising, erstwhile discussions were held on the subjection of his NSZ group to the PAL command for the period of the uprising. This gathering took place under the following circumstances: At that time Colonel [Felix] Horn-Mazurek invited respective officers from the PAL staff to his flat on 1 of the streets around the square Napoleon for a solemn dinner on the occasion of names or another circumstances, Horn-Mazurek at that time was a quartermaster at the ultimate Command of PAL in Gen. Stanisław Pieńkoś “Skała”. Among those invited too me were: from my staff Przybylski Lech and his brother Mirosław and Zajączkowski Waldemar, from “The Rock” came Colonel “Janusz”, surname I do not know, and respective another officers whose names I do not recall. In addition, a lieutenant colonel unknown to me, claiming to be an AK bomb squad officer, was besides invited. erstwhile everyone mentioned was sitting behind the table, Nakonieczników-Klukowski “Kmicic” entered the apartment, about which we were already notified by Rog-Mazurek. As far as I know, “Kmicic” in his home was hiding from the “two” AK, with whom he had an issue with an organisational background for his opposition to the inclusion of NSZ in the AK [...]. erstwhile he came in, he sat down at the stone and mostly talked to him. I can't remember the exact content of the conversations. PAL officers were mainly curious in the failure of “Kmicica” to keep his word, which, shortly before its insurrection, undertook to join the PAL. As explained by “Kmicic”, he did not have adequate time to fulfil his work due to the fast outbreak of the uprising, which he himself was amazed and forced to stay in Warsaw. However, as I recall, “Kmicic” in a general interview indicated that there were no branches of his in Warsaw, but he inactive had faithful field groups to join PAL. (IPN After 08/836/1, k. 93–94.
45W. J. Muszyński, The spirit of the young. Polish Organization and National-Radical Camp in 1934–1944. From student revolt to independency conspiracy, Warsaw 2011, p. 346.
46R. Sierchula, A communicative of a reasoning man. Lech Karol Neyman (1908–1948), Warsaw 2013, p. 147.
47Ibid. p. 147.
48After years of negative opinion, Mieczysław Dukalski, ps. “Plamka”, “The Dam”, said that To him (Wawkowicz) we owe these cursed contacts with Germany. [in:] J. Żaryn, The line dance over the abyss. Polish Organisation in Exile and its Communication with the Country from 1945 to 1955, Warsaw 2011, p. 50.
49A. Bohun-Dąbrowski, I was commander of the Świętokrzyska Brigade of the National Armed Forces, London 1984, p. 229.
50J. Czaryn, The line dance over the abyss. Polish Organisation in Exile and its Communication with the Country from 1945 to 1955, Warsaw 2011, p. 49.
51Ibid, p. 100.
52Ibid, p. 115.
53Ibid, p. 118.
