The first municipal elections of 2002, in which we straight elected local authorities, created very strong presidents, especially large and medium-sized cities: both in their relations with city councils and with their home parties. The power gained in direct elections gave the presidents a strong democratic mandate, the power in the city allowed them to bind the broad background with ties of direct loyalty, based on political patronage and business relations. The deficiency of a word limit allowed akin agreements to be consolidated.
As a result, even the largest political parties were frequently incapable not only to defeat the ruling presidents for years, but besides to control those elected under their name. Popular presidents have frequently become independent of parties who first put them on the stand, moving from their own committees, focusing a much wider environment than purely party.
It was apparent that the introduction by the Law and Justice in 2018 of the 2 word limits for presidents, mayors and mayors would change this dynamics. Looking at the results of this year's elections in larger cities, 1 can wonder if something is already changing in it in favour of parties and organization candidates.
Under the organization banner
Today mainly 1 party: the Civic Coalition. Donald Tusk's account on the X portal on Sunday threw out more city names in which candidates of this organization won the election. On Monday, at a press conference, the Prime Minister stated, clearly satisfied, that the election results in cities proved to be a beautiful gift for his 67th birthday.
In fact, in KO cities, he managed to win in his election to the Seymites, taking first place in them. Despite his victory, PiS lost 1 Seymik – in the Łódź Voivodeship – and did not gain any fresh ones, but symbols in politics are important. This consequence saved the PiS from the script of the late AWS and gave much needed breath to the leadership of Jarosław Kaczyński.
Now KO has its symbolic success. He can proudly show a map of Poland with cities ruled by organization candidates marked with flags with its logo, thickening from platformed colors. Of course, cities have long been bastions of the party, in the presidential election candidates However, platforms frequently had to give way in the past to independent urban authorities or for deficiency of alternatives to support them. This year, KO was able to win many crucial urban elections in major cities, straight under the organization banner.
Candidates starting from the list of KOs or belonging to the organization won in 12 out of the 18 capitals of the current voivodships (it is not an mistake – the Kuyavian-Pomeranian and Lubuskie have double capitals) and in about half of the capitals of the "gierkovian" voivodships. In cities where politicians never won direct presidential elections under the banner of the Coalition or Civic Platform specified as Olsztyn, Kraków, Legnica, Zielona Góra.
Movement and machinery
Of course, there were places where incumbent presidents seemed strong enough, and local KO leaders weak adequate that the party, alternatively of risking exposing its own candidate, decided to support the contender for re-election of the president. This was the case in Szczecin and Wrocław. Although Jacek Sutryk turned out to be a weak candidate, Tusk most likely regrets present that he did not hazard taking the start against the President-in-Office of the Lower Silesian capital of individual under the banner of the KO. In Włocławek, the incumbent vice president with KO lost to his deputy from fresh Left, who in 2019 assumed the mandate of Senator, Krzysztof Kukucki. In Gdynia, Councillor Ko Tadeusz Szemio lost to the candidate of urban movements Aleksandra Kosiorek. In Gorzów Wielkopolski, the incumbent Jacek Wójcicki, who had ruled the city for a decade, defended himself in the second circular against a contender from KO.
However, the Tusk organization proved to be able to successfully fight for power outside its bastions, defeat the eternal presidents – like the ruling Michał Zaleski in Toruń since 2002 – or defy the challenge of very locally strong independent candidates. This happened in Krakow, where despite the first polling advantage of Łukasz Gibala and supporting him in the second circular of a reasonably exotic coalition extending from Together, by municipal activists and part of the Law and Justice, after local Confederate politicians, candidate KO Aleksander Miszalski was able to win. A very tiny advantage, but the final consequence counts.
In the Krakow campaign, various communities appealed to the argument that the triumph of MiszaIski would truly mean the regulation of Warsaw, that the Krakow government should not fall prey to the nationwide party. To the same arguments, clearly amazed by the deficiency of a win in the first round, president Zaleski of Toruń referred rather unsuccessfully. However, they did not harm the Platform.
Commenting on the results of the elections in Krakow, in an interview with Agata Szczęsniak on the Tok FM air, a political scientist with the Jagiellonian University Prof. Marek Bankowicz stated that the common decision to cope with organization machina in the fight for power in the city is little and little adequate today. most likely the more effective this regulation is, the bigger the city and the greater the effort the run requires.
Given how fierce the fight was in Krakow and how powerfully Gibala won among young people, 1 can wonder if the elections in the erstwhile Polish capital are closing something or alternatively beginning something in Polish politics. However, looking at the results in another major cities in the country, we may wonder if we are watching the beginning of the process of stubborn power in presidential cities.
What about the word limit?
This process will be supported by a word limit. The President, who knows that after a maximum of 2 terms he must say goodbye to the office, can afford little to argue with his party. Even if she wins re-election without her support, the question is, "What will I do after my second term?" Local politicians who will not want to retreat from politics will request organization support for a further career. Which was most likely 1 of the reasons why Kaczyński introduced the limit – we know that the president does not like people in his political environment besides independent of his whims.
So what happens to the limit is very interesting. His abolition practically from 2018 demanded opposition to the Law and Justice Local Governments from the Yes! For Poland. His support was of any importance to the success of the coalition on 15 October, part of the local authorities concentrated in it entered the Sejm in 2023 – as president of Sopot since 1998, Jacek Karnowski.
The movement is to push for the abolition of the limit, but as the diary of Legal paper reports, Tusk will not agree to this idea. It's hard to blame the KO leader. The abolition of the word limit opens the way for the "growing" of further Majchrowski, Szczurków or Zaleski. On the another hand, as Jarosław Flis argues, leaving the limit may origin anxiety for MPs or senators from all parties, frightened that they will shortly come to face the popular city presidents. Whose pressures Tusk gives way may depend on how much the elections in large cities will persist in the long term.
Their stubbornness is not necessarily a bad thing. Yes, it carries the hazard of including cities and local problems in the modes of a nationwide policy with its polarisation or treating cities as a harvest of spoils to be divided between parties. On the another hand, in larger cities, large politics have long translated into self-government, and as we have seen in many places, agreements building around eternal presidents are able to assert cities no little effectively than parties. Coming back frequently in a discussion about local authorities, opposing a good “unpartisan self-government” is highly naive – even considering all the disadvantages of Polish political parties.
It is more crucial that the president of the city, specified as the provenience, has real political competition and is controlled by a surviving civilian society, equipped with institutions specified as strong, free, local media. And this word limit is alternatively favourable. The organization interest of Tusk, Kaczyński and another leaders, who are reluctant to be independent city presidents, does not gotta argue with the social interest here.
