Do you have a feeling that the self-government run is highly slow this year? That parties and candidates are not trying to get your vote? That there's fundamentally no debate going on about ideas for utilizing local power? You're not alone. This sense is common among commentators, analysts and policy participants.
Although political life in Poland is in a state of constant escalation, the local government campaign, especially at the level of the election to the provincial Sejm, is highly drowsy. 1 might even get the impression that the run did not start – still, with little and little strength and energy, the parliamentary run of autumn is underway. The large national policy has mostly obscured local elections this year.
Paper from autumn recycling
The main parties so present a message from autumn recycling. The Law and Justice Agency has been saying the same thing since the spring of last year: Tusk is simply a German agent, Germany is seeking to impose illegal migration on Poland, and through the improvement of the European treaties to destruct Polish statehood. In addition, there are accusations against “coalition on 13 December” about the construction of dictatorship and “the elimination of democracy” in Poland. This second message will most likely exacerbate the state's latest actions around Justice Fund and politicians of Sovereign Poland.
On 2 March, at the party's first local government convention, it seemed that the PiS understood that specified a message was a way to nowhere. The organization then made a communication reset, introduced the slogan: "We are on yes!", began to talk about large infrastructure investments, which had long been suggested by its commentators. The Kaczyński Formation, however, was incapable to endure in this message. Last Saturday, at a convention in White, aimed at key PiS in these elections of the 3 east provinces, the president again attacked Tusk and Przemysław Czarnek PSL.
True, the marshals of the east provinces raised issues specified as sustainable development, taking into account the needs of more peripheral areas, smaller towns and villages, but the political charge of Kaczyński and Czarnek overshadowed this message. It wasn't just White. The party, which won all subsequent elections in 2015-2023, effectively mobilating Poland outside the metropolises, is now fundamentally letting go of topics that could positively separate it from the government, in many places inactive associated with the large cities and the polarity-distribution model of the country's development.
The same message, as in autumn, is repeated by the coalition parties on October 15. In fact, the only argument they make in their run to the Seymists is: “We have turned the Law and Justice into power in the country, now let us finish our work in the regions.” The civilian Coalition raises it most straight and on all occasion. But the 3rd Road and Left besides do not peculiarly emphasize another message. Włodzimierz Czarzasty on the run tour repeatedly repeats that the mandates for the Left in the voivodships are a warrant that the Law and Justice Office will not keep or gain power in them.
It is hard to defy the impression that both the ruling coalition and the opposition deficiency an thought for a fresh contract for local Poland.
This can inactive be understood in the case of the PO, which is simply a natural organization of power in the provincial Sejm. Where he already rules, he will most likely keep power by mostly good judgement of these governments. Where he fights for her, he can win on a wave of anti-script emotions. However, in the case of Poland 2050 and the Left, it is amazing that there is no thought of governments in the voivodships, which is different from the Civic Coalition.
Urban exception
The run in cities looks better in this respect. Especially the larger ones, where the Law and Justice does not be at the moment, or at least there is no chance of reaching for power, which makes it impossible to build the full message on scaring it.
A fewer months ago in an interview with “Gazeta Wyborcza” Rafał Matyja stated that in Polish cities no policy another than more or little right-wing policy has been implemented in years. In fresh years, the emphasis on urban movements and changes in the attitudes of residents, especially the largest centres, have forced centre-right presidents to adopt more progressive or green policies, but inactive on a reasonably limited scale.
This year, respective places in urban campaigns have managed to spell out another than centre-right ideas for the city. This is most likely best done in Warsaw, due to campaign Magdalena Biejat, fresh Left candidates, Together and Association City is Ours. In this respect, the debate of candidates for the office of president of the capital on Channel Zero was very interesting. The dispute, especially around housing policy, settled on the Biejat line – the rest. Although the Left candidate could better prepare to defend her own programme proposals, she played her part anyway: she showed herself as the only alternate to a block very akin to herself, more or little right-wing candidates, able to impose themes of debate and dividing lines that everyone else needs to define.
Is government without the Law and Justice truly all we want?
Unfortunately, outside Krakow – where the departure of Jacek Majchrowski creates a fresh beginning – in large cities there seems to be a deficiency of alternatives. It will be a large surprise if the present, more or little centre-righted rulers do not safe another word of office.
Also in Warsaw, Trzaskowski seems an absolute favorite, and the summit of the real possibilities of the Left – which would be a large political success for this formation and its candidate – is to bring to the second circular with the current president and to collect the KO of the independent majority on the city council. The request to face anyone in the second circular will be a strong and painful image blow to Trzaskowski, but the script in which anyone threatens to proceed his power in the capital seems unlikely.
Local elections always reflected nationwide political conflicts, especially at the seismic level. This year, however, has taken on a unique scale.
It is hard to resent politicians that they follow the line of least opposition and base the run on anti-scriptive emotions erstwhile they seem adequate to accomplish strategical goals in these elections. Another failure of the Law and Justice Office – especially the failure of bastions in the east and south of the country – can trigger disintegration processes in the United Right camp, which will affect the wellness of the full Polish political scene.
However, the question is whether the government free of the Law and Justice is the final horizon of our expectations in these elections. I may sound like a demanding voter, but I would anticipate more from our political class.
