On 15 August a press conference of the organization was held under the Embassy of the Russian Federation in Warsaw, which did not know why it was called the National Movement. The title of the conference was crucial and read: “Not for Russian imperialism! “We stopped them in 1920, we will halt them today.” "History clearly shows that Russia, regardless of the strategy and era, always strives for the same. It sows destruction, terrorism and communism," said Robert Waś, president of the Warsaw ellipse RN.
It was inactive dumber. past clearly shows that Russia, regardless of the strategy and era, always pursues the same. It sows destruction, terrorism and communism. Regardless of the period, Russia always wants to destruct the nations, impose its own will and its own system. Operation NKVD, extermination of Poles and priests. Katyń, the mouths on the elites of the Second Republic of Poland. Augustów's Siege. Purity of Polish patriots. Deportations to Siberia. Breaking the people's spine and showing strength to the helpless. All of this is 1 chain of the same violence. Remembering the heroes of the Warsaw conflict is our duty, but besides a warning, due to the fact that Russian imperialism has not changed, but has taken on fresh forms. That's why, as in 1920, so today, we will keep Russia. The stakes were, is and will be, the freedom of Poland and the safety of Europe," said Robert Waś.
For any individual with even a brief discernment in the area of Polish political thought, specified thesis given by verbally referring to the legacy of the perfect Polish national camp must sound at least peculiar. For National Democracy is rightly associated with realism in Polish-Russian relations, frequently portrayed by critics of this camp as rusophilia. However, furious anti-Russian views are historically appropriate for a camp called independence, to which a large part of the alleged “right” including Law and Justice refers. So why are young screamers, who, in a more or little inexplicable way, unload their political powerlessness by verbal attacks on Russia, called themselves nationalists alternatively than independents? – it is hard to say. possibly that name seemed cooler to them, more "cool."
They surely did not become national due to the community of views with the founders of this movement and respective generations of its members and sympathizers. There is no specified community. Certainly, in Dmowski, Popławski or Jędrzej Giertych they did not read the kind of wisdom that dressed in indulgent patriotic shirts shout on the streets.
They might as well be called Hittites. They have precisely as much in common with the second as with the Polish national camp. The difference is that my generation is inactive alive, who knew the pre-war nations and was shaped by them. Unlike the Hittites, then, we can say to these not so young people directly: you are not any people, you are disguises.
In all this, however, there is another highly grim conclusion. We let ourselves bargain a young generation. Young people who consider themselves to be nationalists and who do so must be of good religion present proclaim the slogans of the independency camp harmful to our people. The camp, which in fresh past of Poland twice led to a gigantic defeat, erstwhile in 1939 and the second time in 1944. Reflexive rusophobia, infantile anti-communism, political romanticism, and power-powerful giantdomination are not our political heritage. We cut him off as something harmful and dangerous. This is not the way young people operating the National Movement present frequently do precisely the opposite. That's why we don't have much in common.
Today we no longer have the time or resources to reeducation people profoundly from the indoctrination of the enemy. Instead, we request to pay attention to shaping the attitudes of future generations. That's where hope for the future is.
Przemysław Piasta
