Grzegorz Braun to Adam Bodnar: After what my excellent colleague Michał Wawer said, are you inactive sitting here, Minister? Didn't you fall on the level of a government streetcar? I wonder, I wonder.
Ladies and gentlemen! It truly is simply a comedy, what you've presented here. I think it'd be better to be honest with you if you had 2 boards. Moses here presented: on 1 would be a list of the righteous judges, and on the another would be a list of the unjust judges.
(Mr Kamila Gasiuk-Pihowicz: It is simply a good thing not with a fire extinguisher, due to the fact that you would should be stopped again.)
The Book of Righteous Sentences and the Book of Unrighteous Sentences as revealed by the Minister. Whose will is it? Batory Foundation.
Minister, if you were to take care of this, really, if you wanted to take care of any serious business, it'd be right here in front of us on any committee of parliament law on abroad agents. Serious states, actual imperialists have specified legislation.
They have Americans and they have the Moscow abroad Agents Act. And Batory's foundation, as he did, paint it would fall under specified government and then at least it would be an open card game.
This sounds very good, as you mention here, honourable colleagues, in the other order, the reasons why you want to restrict civilian rights, the constitutional categories you have arbitrarily distinguished.
Not only the judges, the right and wrong, but the citizens. Why 4 years' grace, active participation in politics? That sounds, I say, good, but it's very populist.
Who is simply a Pole who has not shown public interest in politics for 4 years? Who is simply a Pole who wants to act in public but has not presented in any way his takeover of public affairs?
This seemingly is simply a affirmative advice from my point of view, a advice very dubious. Even if we presume that the law can restrict constitutional rights, I repeat: why 4 years, why not 3.5 years, why not 7 years?
Or do you dream of getting a Kolodziej, unpolluted politician, torn off the plow, and let him judge? No, it's fiction.
The mafias, the servants and the lodges will be the acousticists of specified candidacy.
That's erstwhile the Constitutional Court will sit, very easily, due to the fact that it will meet these criteria, any godfather whose name even the public does not know, but he...
(Mr Michał Wawer: Expert of the Batory Foundation.)
An expert, yes, a partyless, uncontaminated by active engagement in politics, an expert of the Batory Foundation will be in the Constitutional Court. And that's the point.
Why are you raising this Constitutional Court to the rank of any specified primal holiness of Polish public life, of Polish statehood, of any central contraption?
I agree, of course, that this is very crucial and, in a way, crucial to what this tribunal has done, it will do. But let us remember where the legs come from and where the roots come from, where the sources of this legislation, this government that gave this existence, which is the Constitutional Court.
They do not beat these sources where the beating heart of the party, inactive dead, the PZPR, i.e. in the war state in 1982.
What an intuition for General Jaruzelski and Cz. Kiszczak said that erstwhile he found for the systemic transformation, he would gotta disassemble the strategy slightly, but so that everything sounded and interfered to control it by another methods.
It seems that it was not until the mid-1980s that he entered this operational phase that the Constitutional Court started operating. But I repeat, it's not sacred.
I will have a question to the minister, whether this concept was always considered, or if it is specified a Gordy node, alternatively of beating into this knot with your organization hammer, due to the fact that you are not cutting through this node at all, you are simply laying down further doubts and generating further problems with which we will find ourselves in any tribunals sooner or later – do not close this interest at all, do not close this chapter of history.
And he, I repeat, starts at all unpretty due to the fact that it starts in years, in the dark of martial law.
And why wouldn't she be doing what the Constitutional Court is doing, doing any ultimate Court Chamber, where at least we won't get into problems with creating a specialized, dedicated law of lawlessness that will choice these judges?
At least we'll know where these judges got from in the ultimate Court and what criteria they're subject to. That would be my question to the minister. And 1 more thing.
I have the impression of any fictitiousness of this procedure and of this political performance which is taking place here, since you and the authorities of the highest Republic of Poland, including the full Constitutional Court, do not have anything, since you are going to Brussels for guidelines.
And you started your office with the fact that you boasted and advertised publicly, that you and Commissioner Jourova are deciding how we will reconstruct the regulation of law in the Republic of Poland.
So, on the 1 hand, you publically declare that the law here in the advanced home is crucial to you, as long as it is the implementation of the Euro-circular norm, and on the another hand, you present before the Polish people a imagination of your own formation coming here on the white tip of the hunchback as a defender of law and justice.
Yes, I will repeat after my colleague: law and justice – these words have been mocked by the formation of the United Liar-Right, who, here in the government tram, before you, Minister, lawyer General, sat.
Don't proceed this practice and don't proceed with the opera, the operetta of the regulation of law in this country, since what you're truly trying to do is to pull the screws off harder so you can have all the keys to tighten the screws to suit you, and that's what you mean to the Euro-Colochos Commissioners, whose subcontractors you are. Thank you very much, Marshal.
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