We are not certain yet how profoundly the Polish political thought suffered, and especially its right-wing part, under the influence of events called Russian aggression against Ukraine of February 24, 2022. 1 of the directions of transformation was described by Tomasz Terlikowski in the book "Does conservatism have a future? End of Europe as we know it" entering into the trendy fresh preference to re-evaluate the foundations of the Polish geopolitical school and liberalization and relaxation, besides strict, as the author claims, world-view requirements Right-wing credo. However, let us agree that Terlikowski did not convince everyone on the right and his ideas we will not deal with here.
I will focus on another current, which is located on the antipodes of the position of Polish publicist. I will be curious in the growth of favourable positions towards anti-colonialism among contemporary conservatives, nationalists or identityaries. Not everyone agrees, of course, with the anti-colonial trend on the right, especially Anglo-Saxon neoconservatives, an example of which can be the movement History Reclaimed University of Cambridge.
In general, however, with the increasing reserve, the approach to the Atlantic policy of the United States and its acolytes begins. The slogans about peace, democracy, tolerance and human rights are seen as full of hypocrisy. The real intentions of these centres are being exposed to the desire to grow political influence in the world, not only at the expense of the alleged "periphery" but besides of the countries of continental Europe. The participants in the process are large global corporations and its priests specified as Bill Gates, George Soros or Elon Musk, keenly curious in making the remainder of the planet vassal environments through improved sociotechnical tools and mass media, although world-view intentions related to the regulation of liberal permisivism, environmentalism or—which peculiarly sounds ominous—artificial.
This is simply a very interesting issue, due to the fact that so far the anti-colonial or anti-imperial discourse was alternatively the domain of the left, especially since it had a large relation with Marxist ideology or the erstwhile popular liberation theology in Latin America. Especially Poles were delicate to the above accents.
We all remember how we accompanied the Polish Pope with the baking on our faces erstwhile he publically admonished Fr Ernesto Cardenal, Minister of Culture in the Sandinist Government, erstwhile he visited Nicaragua in March 1983. The photograph, on which we can see politics and clergymen in one, kneeling before the angry and threatening finger of the Pope, passed to past and became a symbol of the relation of John Paul II to liberation theology.
We have identified ourselves with this position, although we may have had small cognition of the reality of the full situation marked by the complex past of the Latin American continent and the function of colonialism and imperialism in Western Europe, and later the US from Columbus' discovery of the fresh World, to the politics of expanding the influence of nations loving peace and democracy in Asia, Central and east Europe and Latin America in the 20th century. In my article, I focus mainly on the Latin American theme. Latin America, at the turn of the 19th and 20th centuries, became a colony of its North American neighbour with a full arsenal of modern means for conventional plunder: stimulated and betrayed revolutions, the creation of dictatorial governments, trusts and monopolies, the penetration of capital and, finally, the artificial creation of conflicts between individual countries in order to weaken their interior cohesion.
In contrast to John Paul II, the present Pope Francis, although criticized on the right for doctrinal deviations, understands these nuances well, and in the courts on the current global situation he takes a position rather courageous and unconcerned. Many times in interviews, he sceptically assessed the effectiveness of American interventions during the 19th and 20th centuries accusing them of the ahistoricity and attempts to transplant Western democracy into culturally different ground without recognizing the specificity of the area. This reflection coincides with the position of European conservative thought (Hume, Burke), as well as Asian, Confucian context philosophy. It is hard to disagree with the above opinions, as there is already considerable literature on this subject in both economics, sociology and global relations referring to social psychology, culture and dignity.
Francis' position is not random. As a boy of Argentine land, raised in Latin American literature (e.g. the 1977 book "Open Lives of Latin America") he frequently experienced what Washington's violent interventions meant. It is no wonder that among the causes of the tragedy of February 24, 2023 he mentioned “NATO barking at the door of Russia”, which the Polish public with a patriotic shade was clearly marked as “naïveness”, “disappointment and political infantilism”, “not preparation”, “lapsus”, “down”. However, is it by chance the Polish public opinion, as well as the full Polish political class, including the alleged right-wing class, that does not behave infantilely? Doesn't it just hit the bottom?
According to the dictionary definition, colonialism is simply a policy of economically developed countries to keep and exploit underdeveloped countries politically and economically. It has an inextricable connection with geographical discoveries and the subsequent division of the earth between colonial powers.
However, not besides far back and focusing exclusively on Latin America, US military interventions beginning in the 20th century include a long list. It includes Argentina, Peru, Mexico, Venezuela, Honduras, Panama, Dominican Republic, Cuba, Nicaragua, Haiti, Grenada, Costa Rica, Guatemala, Puerto Ricko, Bolivia, Chile, Trinidad, Ecuador, and the victims are counted as millions. The 1989 Panama operation itself consumed the lives of tens of thousands of civilians. Peace, democracy and freedom were attacked by civilians, airports and military barracks.
However, Polish conservatives and conservative liberals (especially those with corvinist inclination) sympathize with Gen Augusto Pinochet and his 1973 coup d'état in the capital of Chile. The Dictator has implemented the market-based reforms which we cherished regarding the privatisation of the economy and its beginning to abroad investors. The secret of the polyshinel is that this assassination was supported by the American intelligence services of the CIA, and the intent of the secret operation "Track Two" was to bring about a political coup with Chilean hands, without revealing the function of the US, which, of course, could have nothing to do with the bloody dictator and the assassination of democracy.
Furthermore, the alleged U.S. Liberal economists. ‘chicago boys’ They advised (unofficially of course) the Chilean dictator. Since the late 1940s Chile has been 1 of the most crucial economical partners of the United States in Latin America. Rich mineral deposits were a haven for many American companies in the mining and energy sectors. The Americans could not afford to lose these influences, and Salvador Allende's governments and his economical policy of nationalizing manufacture posed a threat that Chile would follow Cuba's way and strike independence. Olives have added diplomatic relations between Chile and China to the fire.
Hence, today, opinions appear on the right hand side that Pinochet was simply an American puppet, allowing Chilean economy to be penetrated by American capital, contributing to the expansive social stratification and poverty. Above all, however, erstwhile examining Chile's past through the prism of anti-colonial logic, Allende, though a communist socialist and in addition a politician rather naive in his "nobility", appears to be the 1 who tried – unsuccessfully, due to the fact that unsuccessfully – to conduct a policy of sovereignty and breaking up with a colonial dependency, Pinochet, though effective, deepened and sealed Chile's vassal dependence on the West and global financier.
In writing the above words, I realize that the current historical context is different from the 1960s or 1970s, erstwhile American interventions, though bloody and rebellious, as we pointed out, were motivated by the real threat, the Cuban spillage, as well as the Chilean revolution across the continent, especially since the next targets of Moscow's "library wars" were to be Venezuela, Colombia, Guatemala, Honduras, Paraguay, Haiti. This justifies American motivations in historical terms, which does not change the fact that they contributed to a number of negative phenomena.
The problem of colonial dependence on South America can besides be considered by philosophy. As shown by the Gdańsk student of the doctrine of the Spanish-speaking ellipse in the book Cartesius and Cannibals, the Enlightenment Paragraphs of the European Modernity task marked by the experience of conquest, exclusion and subordination according to the dichotomiy of the centre-periphery are peculiarly threatening. A proud, enlightened belief in advancement in a privileged position put a supposedly rational man The West giving him unlimited powers to regulation the world. According to French intellectual Chantal Delsol, critic of the above reasoning contained in the pages of modern Latin American and Asian literature, he shows convergence with the European conservative thought of the 19th century (Edmund Burke, Joseph de Maistre, Rene de la Tour du Pin) criticizing enlightenment and modern concepts of individual rights for their abstract and liberated from the historical context, as we have already pointed out in the paragraph concerning Pope Francis.
It seems that the later past of Europe and the planet has confirmed the correctness of the grim diagnosis of European Conservatives. It would so be good for the contemporary right-wing thought, too, to keep restraint against besides universalistic claims and inspiration for the free movement of pawns on the geopolitical map of the world, remembering that man should not take on the function of God. For all careful researcher, it is clear that present these universalist claims are the most attended by Americans and their Atlantic project, which, under the cloak of promoting human rights, democracy and pacifism, becomes the origin of fresh antagonisms.
The approval for the anti-colonial task must be subject to a number of reservations, which we have already pointed out. It is hard to agree with his Marxist as well as feminist and ecological blade. However, it surely brings many creative reflections to the ongoing debate marked by the consequences of the Russian-Ukrainian War and the possible of the birth of a multipolar planet liberated from the ruthless dominance of the United States. In this fresh order Poland must redefine its position on the geopolitical map of the world, and the Polish right hand should constantly remind it.
Michael Graban
