After the fall of the January Uprising and the increase of repression in the Kingdom of Poland, Galicia – as the only region with political autonomy – became the centre of legal political activity of Poles. Although far from democracy, the Habsburg Monarchy offered an organization framework for participation in public life, including the Austrian State Council in Vienna and the National Sejm in Lviv. Both bodies had limited but crucial competences, and their composition mostly depended on election results.
By 1907, the electoral strategy in the monarchy was based on a curial divided of votes that favored aristocracy, rich bourgeoisie and clergy. Only the 1907 reform, introducing a universal, equal and secret vote (although inactive only for men), opened the way to a wider share of mediate and lower classes in political life. This change was groundbreaking – both from the point of view of democratisation and for fresh political movements specified as National Democracy (endevision).
It was these elections of May 1907, the first according to the fresh rules, that made a parliamentary debut for the Vienna level. National Democrats then won 11 seats for 516, including 3 from Western Galicia. Although it was a modest number (about 2% of the full composition of the State Council), it was of large symbolic importance: for the first time a fresh political trend, so far known mainly for its ideological and press activities, entered the legislative center of the monarchy. In the following years, this representation was to strengthen.
In the National Parliament, which, despite its limited competences (education, local affairs, agriculture) played an crucial function in national policy, endeci besides began to mark their presence. Their rivals were mainly conservatives (related to alleged “podolka” and governor), liberals and representatives of national minorities – especially Ukrainians, demanding cultural and linguistic autonomy. Endeci were against these tendencies, taking a defensive, unequivocally national line. For national democrats, participation in the parliament was not only an chance to preach ideas but besides an instrument for building political influence and competence. They learned the language of laws, seismic tactics, formation of coalitions and influence the form of laws. Their aim was not – as in the case of socialists or radicals – to overthrow the monarchy, but to maximize the national interests of Poles within it. Thus, Galicia and Austrian Parliamentarianism became for the intent of a political laboratory: a place where strategies were tested, staff were built and prepared for possible systemic changes in the future. shortly it would prove to be invaluable.
Endection in Galicia – ideology, structure, leaders
The National Democratic Movement in Galicia, known as the Democratic-National organization (SDN), was a key actor in the political life of the state in the early 20th century. Although it was ideologically derived from the thoughts of Roman Dmowski and the National League, the Galician genealogy had its own features: a greater readiness to compromise with the monarchy, a stronger settlement in autonomous institutions and an emphasis on organizational development.
SDN emerged at the turn of the century as a consequence to the request to organize a political representation of burgeoning and intelligence that did not identify with conservatives or socialists. The organization was formally established on January 6, 1904 at a convention in Lviv, although preparations continued since 1901. The main architect was Stanisław Głąbiński, prof. of law and economics, publicist and experienced politician. He was accompanied by Jan Gwalbert Pawlikowski, Michał Grek, Ernest Adam and Roman Kordys. At the time of its creation, SDN had an extended social and intellectual infrastructure. It was associated with a number of national organizations that served as tools for building the background: Society of the People's School (education), “Sokola” (sports and patriotic education), Society of Academic Schools (education of women), Parcel Society (agrarian issues), National Industrial Union (small business interests). Through these channels, the endecia influenced both the mediate and agrarian classes.
A peculiar function was played by the Endeck press, which served as a tool of propaganda, education and mobilization: “Polish Word” (the main ideological letter), “Home”, “Polish Athenaum”, “National Tribune”, “National Voice” or “Wiek XX”. It was through the press that the movement formulated its perfect language: expressive, factual, without romanticist pathos, but steeped in concern for national interest and work ethos.
SDN's ideology was based on a number of principles, specified as: integral nationalism – that is, designation of the nation as a biological and cultural community; the precedence of Polishness in all areas of life, social solidarity – the rejection of class conflict for social group cooperation within a nation, anti-individualism and anti-liberalism – opposition to the thought of individual autonomy, cultural liberalism and capitalism without national control. determined opposition to Ukrainian demands and loyalty to the monarchy only for as long as it served Polish interests.
Stanisław Głąbiński, a lawyer, economist, associate of the State Council (since 1902), National Sejm (since 1904) and president of the Polish ellipse in Vienna from 1907 to 1911 – the most crucial Polish parliamentarian in the full monarchy. In 1911, he even became a Minister of Railways in the Austrian Government, which was a precedent and evidence of an increase in the importance of an appointment. Although it was only a fewer months, it was a symbolic step toward the organization maturity of the movement. Głąbiński tried to act as a legalist: he believed that loyal cooperation with the monarchy could bring real benefits to Poles. In this spirit, he built up the image of an perfect as a liable force capable of compromise, but relentless in national matters. At the same time, he was besides a publicist – his writings on economical theory, law and politics were the perfect foundation of the movement.
However, interior tensions were not lacking. The younger generation, akin to Stanisław Grabski, accused Głąbiński of being besides cautious and prone to “orders”. Also, relations with the Home National League were not simple: the Warsaw core of the movement looked suspiciously at Galician tactics of legalism and contacts with the government. Eventually, however, SDN gained its autonomy and became a pillar of the national movement in Galicia.
By 1914, endecides in Galicia had created 1 of the most organized and disciplined political apparatus. Their strength was not in massiness, but in structure, discipline, control over local elites and ideological cohesion. They developed their own model of action: not revolutionary, but systemic. Galician leadership was not just a “branch” of the national movement – it was his most mature parliamentary form.
Parliamentary work of national democrats
The entry into the Austrian parliament in 1907 started a fresh phase of their activity – not only of thought or publicist, but above all of legislative and tactical. Although in the first elections according to the fresh ordination they won only 11 seats in the Council of State (including 3 from Galicia), they were able to build a space of influence around them and show their ability to act realistically. Their activity focused on 2 institutions: the Austrian State Council in Vienna and the Galicia National Parliament in Lviv. In both bodies, the national Democrats conducted activities under the motto of defending the national interest of Poles. In Vienna they performed as part of the Polish Circle, an association of Polish MPs from Galicia, Silesia and Bukowina. Since 1907, he was chaired by Stanisław Głąbiński, which gave him large prestige. It was a signal that the movement was no longer marginal, but could lead the full Polish parliamentary camp in the monarchy. Głąbiński as president of the ellipse combined the function of tactical leader with the function of typical towards the Austrian authorities.
In the Council, the endecids pursued a policy of average loyalty: they supported the government erstwhile its decisions were in line with Polish interests, and severely criticized it erstwhile it violated the Polish position – especially in matters of nationality. A peculiar field of conflict was the Ukrainian issue. The Endeci powerfully opposed the projects of dividing east Galicia into autonomous units, creating a Ukrainian university in Lviv, and introducing Ukrainian language into offices and courts. 1 of the most clear speeches was the 1908 debate in which Głąbiński argued that "The concessions to the Rusins [Ukrainians] agree with the historical rights of the Polish people to east Galicia". specified an attitude brought together the support of many environments – from conservatives to urban bourgeoisy, afraid about the increasing Ukrainian activity. At the same time, she caused tensions inside the Polish Circle, where there were more conciliation voices.
At the same time, SDN Members of the National Parliament focused on method activities: they submitted draft laws on education, roads, wellness protection, agriculture. They were active in committees – especially education and budget. Their aim was to show that the end is not just a "party of protest", but a formation capable of real governance and solving the regular problems of citizens.
After the 1908 election, the endeci retained their influences, although they did not importantly increase representation. The 1911 elections were more successful for them, in which they gained about 15–16 seats in the State Council, mainly from Western Galicia. As a result, their voice was becoming stronger, especially in areas specified as authoritative language, school funding, local government. They co-created voting blocks with conservatives and Christian democrats, while competing with socialists and number representatives. Typical of endings was avoiding emotional rhetoric. Their kind was dry, analytical, based on facts and data. They gladly sought economical and legal arguments. Głabiński, as prof. of law and economics, gave speech to the full group – alternatively a lecture than an agitation speech. This strategy united them with designation as a competent and professional force, but besides allegations of a deficiency of a "political soul".
However, the Endeci were not limited to the seismic halls. They worked intensively in the field, organizing raves, publishing brochures, gathering with voters. Parliament served as a stand for them, but the run was besides going on outside it. They were aware that it was essential to combine basic work with political elite presence to keep the position. It is worth noting that despite the deficiency of a majority, the endecides were able to exert real influence. They frequently became a tongue in the weight of the votes, and their ability to form a coalition made them prime players. They were able to halt initiatives which were unfavourable from their point of view and push for amendments in line with the national programme.
Their presence in the Council of State and the National Sejm was besides a school of action for the full movement. It was here that the future MPs, ministers and Senators of the II Republic gained their first political experience. Endece has learned to function within parliamentary frameworks – with its limitations, but besides with the possible for long-term action. Importantly, the parliamentary experience has besides allowed the appointments to test and calibrate their own software demands. In parliamentary practice, the effectiveness of ideological slogans, the degree of acceptance of national language in the public sphere, and the anticipation of translating economical slogans into circumstantial legislative actions were examined. All of this made Galicia a kind of political ground – not only for the purpose, but besides for the full modern national movement.
Many SDN MPs who went through the Vienna Parliament and the National Sejm played an crucial function in the political life of the Second Republic in the future. In this sense, their activity in Austro-Hungary was not an episode, but the first phase in the creation of a modern national elite, embedded in institutions and ready to build its own state.
Tactics and alliances: how the endecs built influences
National Democrats, despite limited representation in the Vienna Parliament and the National Parliament, developed an effective model of action. Their strength was not in the number of mandates, but in the skillful usage of seismic tactics, the construction of alliances, and organizational discipline. Galician endecides became masters of "soft force" in parliamentary structures. 1 of the key tools of SDN policy was to cooperate with conservatives, especially with the faction of the alleged "podolacs" – Galician landowners representing the interests of large landowners, mainly from east Galicia. Although conservatives differed from endeks in their approach to social and economical reforms of interventionism, they shared their concern for maintaining the dominance of Poles in Galicia and for strong opposition to Ukrainian demands. In these cases, they spoke with 1 voice. Thanks to this, endeci frequently co-created voting blocks, which effectively blocked draft laws establishing the autonomy of east Galicia, the introduction of Ukrainian into courts or the reorganization of the school strategy towards linguistic equality. These alliances were ad hoc, but effective. They showed that SDN could collaborate tactically without giving up its own rules.
The second crucial political direction was to exploit the anticipation of a fresh electoral system, introduced in 1907. With the abolition of the curia, the endeci were able to mobilise fresh social groups: townspeople, officials, teachers and craftsmen. Their message – based on the slogan "Polish national and civic" – reached environments that had no political representation yet. Campaigns conducted by SDN were modern for those times: utilizing printing, leaflets, rallies and local structures.
Unlike conservatives, the endecides spoke simple, factual language to voters. They stressed the request to modernise Galicia, make education, industrialisation, but always under "national control". Their message was simultaneously anti-Russian, anti-Ukrainian, and anti-partisan, allowing them to build a strong identity of their own electorate.
It is besides worth noting attempts to cooperate with the Christian-social movement, focused around clerical and peasant social organizations. Although worldview and class differences made it hard to build a lasting alliance, endecides and Christian democrats have repeatedly worked together on circumstantial issues – e.g. in defence of the teaching of religion, against extremist taxation projects, or in agrarian economy committees. Similarly, immediate, but tactically important, was contact with the people, especially the more average activists from the PSL “Piast”. Although the thought planet of both movements was incompatible, in local realities it was possible, for example, to vote together on the expansion of agrarian infrastructure, loans to farms or protection of Polish retail trade.
On the strictly parliamentary level, the endecs besides developed their own procedural strategies: they skillfully exercised the right to interpel, they worked in committees, they pushed amendments to draft laws. Their presence in committees including education, budget and administration was permanent and active. frequently it was there, outside the eyes of the public, that they had a real influence on the form of the law. They were seen as professionals and pragmatists – which distinguished them from both socialists and conservative retorts.
This does not mean that the endeci were avoiding a hard tone. On matters of nationality, they accepted an exclusive narrative: Galicia was to stay Polish, and attempts to equality minorities were perceived as a threat to national integrity. In this sense, they were ideologically stiff, but operationally flexible. An interesting case of specified double tactics was the cooperation of Głąbiński with the imperial administration. Although he declared his loyalty to the emperor, he was able to powerfully negociate the interests of Poles – including in staff matters, subsidies for schools or infrastructure investments. As a railway minister in 1911 he attempted to advance solutions beneficial to Galicia, although its word lasted only a fewer months.
The ability to maneuver between different environments, combine principles with pragmatism, and make unobvious alliances made it a politically mature formation. It was these skills that allowed her to last and strengthen herself in the hard environment of parliamentary monarchy, and in time to prepare for action under conditions of rebirth. It is besides worth noting that specified tactics required not only intellectual capabilities, but besides developed political culture. Endeci created their own expert facilities, utilized the opinions of lawyers, economists, teachers – many of them were recruited from universities and technological societies. Their policy was mostly based on data and analysis – which distinguished them from competition. At the same time, they attached importance to authoritative ethics and legal order – that is why they were so active in the committee's work and the legislative process.
This combination – discipline, pragmatism, perfect clarity and professionalism – allowed them to be much more effective than their purely mathematical strength in the chambers. The Endeci knew that in politics not always wins the majority, but the 1 who can effectively negotiate, anticipate and act long-term. That's what they did – with a better result.
Results and before the war: the apogee of the influences of Galician origin
The years 1907–1914 is the period of the top influence of the Democratic-National organization in Galicia. Although endeci never constituted a majority force, their increasing parliamentary presence, organisational efficiency and tactical ability made them a serious player in the political life of the Habsburg monarchy. For many conservative and bourgeois environments, they were a natural alternate to the ossified “podol” elites and to the extremist left. After the 1911 election, the endeci already had about 15–16 seats in the State Council and much stronger representation in the National Parliament. They were present in almost all committees, and their representatives increasingly reported their own draft laws. Although they failed to dominate the Polish Circle, they gave it an perfect speech and direction, especially in matters of nationality and education.
At the same time, their influence on the social and intellectual spheres became increasingly apparent. Endeci were present on the boards of many educational, economical and professional associations. They opened fresh readings, organized training courses, promoted Polish schools and folk houses. They created local networks of influence which, although frequently invisible from Vienna's perspective, had a real impact on the awareness and identity of Galician society.
The leading figure of this period was Stanisław Głąbiński. His career, combining academic, parliamentary, and government functions, was a symbol of the ripening of the perfect as a movement capable of co-responsible for the state. As a railway minister in 1911 Głąbiński attempted to transform the Galician section of the railway into more autonomous and national Polish structures, both in terms of staff and infrastructure. Although his word lasted only a fewer months, it was a symbolic moment: the endecides were no longer just opposition – they became part of the apparatus of power. At the same time, interior differences within SDN became increasingly apparent. While Głąbiński and his surroundings were focused on pragmatism and cooperation with Vienna, the younger generation, represented by people specified as Stanisław Grabski or Marian Seyda, began to talk a harsher, little comfortable, more sovereign language. The conflict between the legalist and the more "nationalist" line within the movement slow grew.
However, conflicts did not weaken SDN's position in the field. From 1912 to 1914, the group had any of the best functioning structures in Galicia: municipal committees, electoral cells, a network of field activists, as well as modern channels of communication with voters. They issued flyers, conducting not only election campaigns, but besides educational and mobilization campaigns. The Endeci were clearly ahead of another groups, especially conservative ones.
An crucial area of their activity was besides intervention in economical matters. Endects acted in defence of tiny Polish entrepreneurs threatened by competition from German and judaic capital, suggested strengthening Polish cooperative banks, and besides supported the creation of agricultural and commercial cooperatives. It was a "national self-help" policy in which economical and national activity represented 2 sides of the same coin. In their opinion there was no independent economy without national identity and vice versa – that's why they stressed so powerfully the request to build their own financial and educational institutions.
Against the background of competition with another SDN political formations, it was primarily a consequence and a uniform message. The Socialists lost to fractional conflicts, the people faced distractions and deficiency of intellectual staff, and the Conservatives increasingly closed in the elite ghetto. Endects, on the another hand, created a "measure" movement: national, but not xenophobic; elite, but with clear social background; ideological, but operational.
One of the key manifestations of their effectiveness was the ability to influence public opinion. Endects utilized their press – especially “Polish Word” and “Home” – to make topics of debate. They introduced ideas, formulated questions, organized polemics. They were besides able to respond effectively to competitive attacks without falling into the speech of aggression. They were tough, but not violent – and that built them authority.
Just before the outbreak of planet War I, SDN reached an organizational and political apogee. It had structures, staff, influences and an action plan. However, the events of 1914 were to change everything. The ending, prepared for a long march within the Austrian parliamentary framework, was amazed by the change in the rules of the game. Parliamentary policy has given way to geopolitical shocks, war mobilization and questions about the future of the full monarchy system. Moreover, the beginning of the war forced a change in political strategy. The failure of the parliamentary forum, the mobilisation of parts of the staff to the army, and the organisational chaos forced SDN to reshape its activities. alternatively of seismic work – future opinion-making activity, conspiracy program consultation and attempts to influence the future political form of the reborn Poland. Many activists moved their activity to the Polish National Committee in Lausanne, others focused on local work – sustaining the national spirit among a society in a war-torn crisis.
Importance and heritage of the activities of the Endek parliamentarians
The activities of national democrats in the Austrian Parliament and the National Sejm had consequences far beyond the Galician realities or the framework of the Habsburg Monarchy. It was a key phase in the ripening of the political national movement, which from the ideological-publicist formation evolved into a professional political force, capable of acting under modern parliamentary conditions and then statehood.
Endecja, entering parliament in 1907, was not a mass party, but an elite-programme ideological group. Their goal was not to revolution, but to evolve – to transform Polish society into a modern, national political community. According to this vision, Parliament was a tool – not an nonsubjective in itself. SDN Members utilized the opportunities provided by the Habsburg Parliament: not to become an integral part of it, but to realise the national interest of Poles within the existing system. This approach was fundamentally different from the socialists who sought to overthrow the capitalist system, as well as the conservatives who defended the existing order more for class reasons than national ones. The Endeci adopted a strategy of "political maximum in minimum conditions" – they were aware that in the monarchy they would not gain full sovereignty, but did not quit any anticipation to increase the independency of Poles.
The top accomplishment of their parliamentary work was the construction of professional political staff: people who could not only preach ideas but besides prepare laws, negociate in committees, influence administrative decisions, realize budgetary mechanisms. These competences were transferred after 1918 to the reborn Poland. In the II Republic, erstwhile SDN MPs sat in the Sejm, Senate, governments – already as an experienced elite. For many of them Galician parliamentaryism was a school of realism. It was there that they learned that compromise does not gotta mean betrayal, and politics is not only a dispute of value, but besides the art of achieving goals under unfavourable conditions. Stanisław Głąbiński, who served as a minister and senator in the second Polish Republic, did this lesson, but besides many little celebrated activists who formed local and authoritative structures.
It is besides impossible to overestimate the perfect meaning of this period. It was in Galician conditions that the endecia developed its canonical political doctrine: combining statehood with nationality, economy with work ethos, culture with educational mission. At that time, the core of the Endetian political language was forged – hard, sparing in words, based on categories of interest, strength and order. His echoes were heard in the public debate of the Second Polish Republic for decades.
The criticism besides afraid the deficiency of openness to social reforms. Although the endecides were eager to talk about modernisation, in practice they were reluctant to extremist structural changes. On agrarian and labour issues, they held conservative positions, fearing the failure of support for the mediate classes and conventional Catholic environments. In the long term, this made it hard to build a wider social coalition around the national movement. Nevertheless, the balance of their parliamentary activities in Galicia should be considered positive. They retained the position of Poles in the structures of the monarchy, effectively countered national marginalization, prepared political staff for the future state and created a modern model of political action based on organization, discipline and competence.
The legacy of the Endek parliamentarians survived not only in the structures of the II Republic, but besides in the way of reasoning about national politics. Their kind – cool, methodical, not accidental – contrasted with the emotion and romance of erstwhile generations. They represented a fresh generation of elites: aware of their interests, prepared to negociate but capable of defending principles.
According to historians, SDN's activity in Austro-Hungary was neither a large success nor a failure. Rather, it was a process of long preparation in which political ideas were turned into concrete actions. Galicia proved to be for the intent of the laboratory, where the explanation met with practice. And although this phase yet closed the war, the achievements of those years left a mark more lasting than any constitution.
David Solski
