On Saturday, at the PiS Convention in Przysdrój pod Radom, sovereign Poland ended its own life, yet uniting with the PiS. No 1 will cry after her, including her asset, who had long wanted to return to the bosom of the Law and Justice, but until now no consent has been expressed by Jarosław Kaczyński. From the point of view of the non-written public opinion, Sovereign Poland was possibly the most harmful political environment in Poland in the 21st century.
Unfortunately, her unification with the PiS it does not destruct the problem – it moves the main opposition organization towards extremist right-wing, populist, anti-system positions and introduces into its ranks a disciplined, determined group of peculiarly aggressive, extreme, and at the same time medial efficient politicians, who will gain fresh opportunities to influence what the Polish political scene looks like on the right of the PSL.
Consequences of Failed Rebellion
Sovereign Poland was born – as Solidarna Polska – in the autumn of 2011, at the threshold of the Seventh Sejm. Zbigniew Ziobro – then the Euro MP – utilized the second consecutive defeat of the Law and Justice in the October 2011 election to carry out a frontal attack on the party's authorities, with president Kaczyński at the head. In response, the PiS Political Committee excluded Ziobra from the party, along with 2 another loudest "malcontents": Jacek Kurski and Tadeusz Cymański.
In consequence to this, even before the authoritative start of the work of the fresh Sejm, a group of 16 PiS MPs formed Solidarna Polska club. The secession was then to be a means of emphasis on Kaczyński, an effort to force the leadership of the PiS to re-enter the organization of 3 expelled politicians and to start a discussion about a change of strategy. Kaczyński, however, is not a politician who would be subject to specified blackmails, especially if they were in any way to limit his full control of the party. The Soviets were left to themselves.
The full past of the Ziobry Formation is the aftermath of this failed revolt of 2011. Ziobra's threat of establishing his own organization was to force Kaczyński to compromise, but PiS president did not care about blackmail and the future dolphin became from Solidarna Polska like Himilsbach from English. The party's own organization made sense to Ziebra only as a tool to return to the PiS, and preferably to gain control of the old party.
As a result, Solidarna Polska gave the impression from the beginning of the organization not entirely convinced of the sense of its own existence as a stand-alone political entity. The confusion was even the party's name: the themes of social solidarity, inequality, aid to the poorest were simply never curious in it. The only politicians who made them up was Tadeusz Cymański – which was mostly limited to making memic statements. Solidarna Polska did not collect the social wings of the erstwhile Law and Justice, but people quarreled with Kaczyński, who wanted to separate themselves from Law and Justice, moved to increasingly extremist right positions.
The problems of sovereign Poland were aggravated by the fact that Ziobro was simply an incompetent organization leader. How summarized Jacek Kurski: "The dolphin turned out to be a leprechaun, if not a leprechaun who lacks vision, an idea, equipped with the charisma of shaking jelly". All of this translated into the consequence of the organization in the only elections in which it ran itself: to the European Parliament in 2014. Solidarna Polska won 3.98 percent support, which at low attendance at little than 24 percent translated into only 281 1000 votes.
At that time Kaczyński saved the political life of Solidarne Poland, allowing it to launch in 2015 from the letter of the Law and thus make – together with Polish Together Gowin – the United Right. This movement then had political sense. The president of PiS never liked competition from the right flank, and he besides calculated that Ziobro, moving alone, would cut off this percentage, 2 that could find whether the PiS would be able to form a fresh government or not.
There has never been specified a botched reform
After 2015, Ziobro and his men received the Ministry of Justice as part of the division of posts. And they, as the leader of the practically exclusive environment, are liable for what happened after 2015 with Justice.
‘Deforma“ Justice is the top burden in the balance of the Law and Justice. It did not solve any problems of the Polish judiciary – led by lengthy proceedings – introduced to it ever-unknown chaos, from which 1 can inactive see no exit a year after the elections lost by the Law and Justice. The best thing to say about the "reforms" of the judiciary is that they failed – due to the fact that if they had been completed, the Law and Justice would have submitted to the key courts, as he managed to do with the Constitutional Tribunal.
Of course, it's not like if it wasn't for Ziobro, Kaczyński wouldn't be trying to subjugate the judiciary. The thought of courts controlled by politicians for a long time was the center of the systemic task Kaczyński, not the first contribution of Ziebra in The United Right. president Duda is besides very guilty of where we are today. The regulation of law crisis began with him swearing in 3 judges-dublers, it was from the President's office that 2 of the most destructive laws for the judiciary came out: the Universal Court and the National Judiciary Council.
These laws, however, mostly duplicated the ideas that emerged in the same areas of projects prepared at the Ministry of Justice – which went even further in trying to subjugate the courts of political power, especially the Minister of Justice and the lawyer General.
The thought of the United Right camp for courts was besides important. If it were done by individual another than Ziobro and his fallout, the “deform” could not be so destructive, chaotic and made from a shoe. possibly individual else would have braked Kaczyński's most harmful ideas. Or he did not let a group of haters to be installed in the Ministry of Justice, organizing campaigns of claims against judges who disagree with the policy of the ministry.
Ziebra's authorial contribution was besides the complete submission of the prosecution to political leadership, which allowed the protective umbrella over the right-wing camp to be unparalleled on an unprecedented scale. Ziobro attempted to concreteize his influences in the prosecutor's office with a fresh bill, adopted just before the election in 2023. It has delegated key competences to the national prosecutor, who cannot be dismissed without the President's permission. Concrete was unsuccessful simply due to the fact that the national prosecutor Dariusz Barski, a close associate of Ziobra and a witness at his wedding, was appointed under the fresh law and was reinstated from his resting state on the basis of non-compulsory provisions at the time of his appointment.
On the another hand, from the point of view of liberal democracy in Poland, it is better that reforms undermining the independency of the judiciary did not introduce an environment more politically competent, cleverer, able to gain wider support from judges for their ideas.
Did the Zionists lose the election?
Just before Saturday unification, erstwhile chief of the law firm of Prime Minister Morawiecki, Michał Dworczyk declared in interview For TVN24, that it is against the union of the Law and Justice and Sovereign Poland and that it is this organization of the United Right that owes the failure of power. This opinion is rather common in an environment centered around Mateusz Morawiecki. And there's quite a few fact in it, though it requires any nuance.
Ziobro undoubtedly contributed more than any another PiS politician to the defeat of this organization in 2007. Then the anti-scriptian electorate to the urn pushed the excesses of the regulation of Marcinkiewicz and Kaczyński, having the face of Ziobra: the suicide of Barbara Blida while trying to halt her by the police, the case of Dr. G., the ground affair, to frame Andrzej Lepper for corruption. In 2023 the reason for the failure of power by the United Right was much more than the feats of solo- and later spoolers.
The conviction of the Przyłębska Court, 5 for animals, “curse” in TVP, visa scandal and problems with Ukrainian grain, general fatigue of the ruling organization for 8 years besides contributed importantly to the change of power a year ago. However, to all these factors, SuwPol added respective of his crucial bricks – not only as a organization giving face to the unfortunate “deforms” of the judiciary.
Sovereign Poland has become the most anti-European wing of the United Right camp. With Ziobra and his people aboard the United Right opposition, it was easy to scare the polexit to which further Kaczyński regulation would lead. In the eyes of the public, Ziobra's opposition and his conflict with Morawiecki was liable for blocking Polish funds from KPO – which harmed not only Sovereign Poland but the full right-wing camp.
Widely described in the media the scandal of the Justice Fund – which sovereign Poland, as it all points out, practically "privatised" itself as an election fund – contributed to the image of the governments of the Law and Justice as a time of exceptional corruption. Finally, sovereign Poland adopted and imposed on the full camp a model of highly polarizing, aggressive, populist policy, reaching for radically right-wing content. specified a policy allowed the Confederate voters to be picked up and consolidated the hard electorate, but besides deterred the United Right from "normals". The presence of Ziobra in the ranks of the United Right surely did not increase the coalition capacity of this party.
So yes, Sovereign Poland has contributed importantly to the fact that PiS no longer governs – although not as much as Zbigniew Ziobro contributed to the failure of power by PiS in 2007.
Against the background of the squad Ziobry Kaczyński looks like a sensible option
Now the PiS absorbs Sovereign Poland – which unfortunately means that politicians of this organization will besides change Kaczyński's party, moving it even further to the extreme, populist right, focused on fueling anti-European rhetoric and conducting cultural wars, alternatively than solving any problems.
Let us look at the joint declaration signed on Saturday by the leaders of both environments, Jarosław Kaczyński and replacing the sick Ziobra Patrick.. It takes the form of 10 commitments. Only 1 – the continuation of social programmes – nevertheless it relates to the real problems of average voters. In addition, we have a “calculation of Tusk's team”, the preparation of a fresh constitution, the rejection of the Green Deal, the fight against the changes to the European treaties, including the “defence of Polish sovereignty” in the case of “exit from the treaties” by the Union institutions – which has a clear polexitic “vibe”. In addition, cultural wars dominate: combating sex ideology, urban populism promising to defend “freedom for the car and the choice of heating sources” – only something was lacking about fighting the alleged coercion of worms imposed by Brussels.
PiS, consolidating the electorate, will talk more and more akin language. Especially as the organization was powered by a group of young, determined politicians, who could usage social media and make quite a few sound around them. Among these politicians, there is no 1 who has any real cognition of any peculiar subject, who could prosecute a policy another than that based on utmost polarity or hate.
The introduction of specified people to Polish politics – Dariusz Matecki, Sebastian Kaleta, Jack Ozdoba, Janusz Kowalski – is another “deed” of Ziobra for Polish democracy. erstwhile you look at a fresh generation of right-wings with a spool lineage, you can truly only want Jarosław Kaczyński quite a few wellness and long regulation in the Law and Justice.
