In the colloquial speech it was accepted that we like the tunes we already know the most. Looking at the post-election discourse, it's not hard to say he's right. The environment of the self-appointed democratic camp, and above all the media supporting it, alternatively of looking into the mirror and reasoning about its blamash, began searching for the guilty defeats of their candidate – Deputy Head of the Civic Platform, Rafał Trzaskowski. After months of highly brutal (especially in her fresh weeks) environmental campaigns gathered around the government coalition have been confronted with an unfavorable result. Served together with the closure of the exit polls election commissions, which pointed to a tiny advantage of the candidate of the ruling camp seemed to be around him valid adequate to announce a victory. For 2 hours Rafał Trzaskowski had the chance to feel president of the Republic of Poland, although he felt this way in a beautiful clear way before. However, the reality turned out to be different and the next morning it was presented by an online image sitting in the Sejm jury of Jarosław Kaczyński with the signature “Who should be exhibited in order to win with an perfect candidate of the Civic Coalition? Whoever”.
The electoral period extended from the pre-campanical stage, erstwhile commentators effort to anticipate possible candidacy, until the fresh head of state (and the general fatigue of the debate on this subject) is sworn in, is always an excellent chance to look at the mechanisms of public debate. This is erstwhile we hear about the qualities of candidates that attract possible voters. How large cities will vote, and how “Polska powiatowa” will vote. Who is more suitable for the office of president of the Republic of Poland – no substance how ephemeral arguments would be in favour of specified positions (anecdotes come to head from the “Powszechny Tygodnik” about Rafal Trzaskowski, who was announced by his colleagues as a kid to be president). This is erstwhile we learn about the "dark cards" from candidates' résumés, or at least those who pose a large adequate threat to the largest camps, that any accusations should be made against them. However, this day of final results is the 1 I look forward to, due to the fact that again comes to hear an old good melody about how democracy supposedly does not work.
Media of different formats – ranging from large television, through opinion-making magazines, to online accounts of various personalities – reacted with outrage to the triumph of a candidate supported by the Law and Justice. It began, which lasted until the day of writing this text, a manhunt for all the “uneducated”, “irresponsible” and “god-fearing” Poles who dared not to vote for a government candidate. And why is it a celebrated melody? due to the fact that after all election in which the organization commanded by Jarosław Kaczyński triumphed, i.e. everyone for over a decade, apart from the fresh elections to national and European parliaments, we hear that the democratic model has failed its task, and the majority government is again part of the braking of civilization change. It is then that the bitter voices of the liberal commentariat in a more or little conscious way process the thought of Janusz Korwin-Mikke that democracy is simply a bad system, due to the fact that "two men from under the beer booth have more strength than a university professor".
For any reason, the analysis of post-election statistic on age groups, place of residence and level of education of voters seems to always devote the most time and attention to this last element. The speech is then about the immaturity of native democracy, which continues to draw towards autocracy, and the college experts and guests can deliberalize on the request for public education, which is reportedly besides easy to gain on populist tricks utilized by opponents of the democratic camp.
It is besides worth paying attention to gravitas, with which all the time the thesis formed during the erstwhile parliamentary campaign. It was at that time that Donald Tusk and his coalitions appointed themselves as a democratic camp, claiming that their broad front was a closed set of groups respecting civilian society and democratic institutions – it is not hard to note that the law and justice and the Confederacy which were outside this collection were consistently presented as a threat to democracy, putting the collection closer to the vague and vague allegations, especially to the former. The writing, which, according to liberal media reports, was expected to lead the army into the streets in the event of its loss, gave power (not counting a short period of political apexion or theatre, erstwhile Matthew Morawiecki was appointed Prime Minister and was ordered to form any government) and went to the opposition. There was no communicative about systemic injustice at the time – politicians of the erstwhile government repeated like a mantra that they had won (which looked at the number of votes was true), but did not look for the second bottom and gave the regulation to Tusk. Thus, there is simply a distaste erstwhile the environments favoring the present power are defined on the spectrum, which on 1 side formulates the charge of election fraud, and on the another end expresses disappointment with democracy, which allows individual outside their ellipse to win.
In spite of all forecasts, Karol Nawrock managed to gain the votes of the majority of Poles despite the far unprivileged position. In spite of the control over the communicative of Television, the Republic or in Poland24 has not yet rebuilt the media power that gave it control of public tv during its reign. In addition, there is an unprecedented scale of allegations and accusations made against Nawrocki – topped by an highly diversionary and possibly "inversely effective" speech by the Prime Minister on Polsat News, in which he referred to the patoclebrit sentenced for slander. This all consists of a image of a very hard campaign, which, despite the announcement of the victory, resulted in a shocking consequence for many. But was he so shocking and surprising? Did not the first circular of elections, in which voters could vote in accordance with their conscience, giving 60% support to candidates outside government structures, give a clear sign that the trust that allowed Donald Tusk to take up the position of Prime Minister just ran out? The period of 2 weeks between the first and the second circular was very interesting due to the change in the communicative of KO environments in relation to the Confederation.
In a situation where political arithmetic required capitalizing the voices of the right or at least pacifying their enthusiasm to vote in the second round, For a moment, the Confederate became a full respected player and it was vain to look for a commentariat of objections about entering into dialog with the far right. For a minute Sławomir Mentzen became in their eyes (at least publicly) a pragmatic and mature politician, with whom we request to talk together and implement the Polish state's right. After the election, there's no problem. Mentzen's alleged electorate, who voted for Nawrocki, “provided” liberals that they were on the incorrect side of past and had not yet matured into good choices (speaking both metaphorically and directly, given Mentzen's popularity among young voters).
So what's left? In 2016, Slavoj Žižek, as declared opponent of Donald Trump, preached in the media that his win was something bad but needed. Failure with specified an opponent should prompt the Democratic camp to reflect on their policies. Žižek's character Trump – who was born from all the ills not recommended by the reigning establishment – was expected to be an inspiration for changes and re-dress of the perfect azimuth. This perverse thought assumed that the colossal defeat of Democrats in the long word could give their camp a fresh blow into the sails and direct them towards the voters who vote for them, but all day they feel little and little represented by their representatives. It is far debateable whether the American Democrats have taken the word Žižka to heart, but it is certain that by extrapolating the same issue on the Polish ground, we see how the power camp is willing to look for the consequences of its failure everywhere outside the bathroom mirror.
Cezary Tomczyk speaking insecurely on TokFM: “Maybe you had to settle faster?”. Adrian Zandberg gathered for the deficiency of clear support for Rafał Trzaskowski, and the fact that he proposed the support of Trzaskowski if he had influenced the Prime Minister and led to the vote on the wellness Protection Act, was conveniently silenced. Liberal opinion-making centres have assumed that Trzaskowski's votes of the voters of Zandberg simply belong and even estimates that the overwhelming majority of voters of organization leader Together have cast a vote for the runner-up of the Platform is incapable to halt the cyclical blame of the organization Together for the failure of the PO – besides tiny and irrelevant to talk to them, but very crucial erstwhile it comes time to look for the guilty.
As announced by the Prime Minister, the reconstruction of the government, the loudest component of which is the possible change in the seat of the Minister of Justice – from Adam Bodnar's current position to Roman Giertych – allows us to fishy that the government wants to do so in the direction of the most devoted electorate and announce that the settlement of the regulation of law and justice will not cease, but will even increase. The same Roman Giertych, despite the deescalating statements of the Prime Minister, does not abandon the way of mobilising voters to vote, which in his opinion will lead to a change of President-elect. A spokesperson for the government was besides appointed, which is expected to be a remedy for the problem diagnosed by the Civic Coalition – the deficiency of effective communication with Poles and the resulting failure to pass on all the successes that this government has (it is besides worth noting that the government should have 3 spokespersons – 1 for each age group).
This solution indicates that the current course of power remains unchanged. It's not a deficiency of success, it's a deficiency of communication. It is the voters who do not see the excellent results of the present cabinet, and any of these voters seemingly request to be reminded that it is good due to the fact that it is not governed by the Law and Justice. However, how is this expected to aid further the Citizen Coalition camp, which has just witnessed that a left-wing candidate outside the government has won more votes than their left-wing coalition? How are further settlements going to break down the 3rd Way, in which the individual Simon Holownia began to weigh more than helping their PSL colleagues? How does this relate to the general mrage of the government, which has not been able to offer Poles any imagination of the future of our country since its arrival in power?
The Citizens' Coalition and its allies must feel the wind of change and see that right-wing groups are gaining strength across Europe, and the continuation of further regulation based on the azimuth of October 15, 2023 – "Let's win elections and then see" – will not bring them anything long-term but defeat in subsequent parliamentary elections. Change in communication with society is just a formal procedure that does not change the kind of real power. It means nothing present due to the fact that Poles noticed that the price of products in stores is not as correlated with inflation as was said during the erstwhile power. The promises concerning the construction of the Central Communication Port are lacking any enthusiasm – but how could it not be missed erstwhile the function of government typical in this case is occupied by Maciej Lasek, an earlier critic of the full project. The cyclical message that the 800+ programme is an accomplishment of this government is just as tiny as the boasting of the safest border in the east – all this through the prism of positions that the Civic Coalition held during the times of opposition. There is no courage for any undertaking that goes beyond the immediate administration of the state apparatus.
Neither are the coalition voices helping, who, after verifying social support, effort to item their subjectivity by coming out with more extremist demands. Szymon Hołownia has set his head on the formal procedure for depoliticising the companies of the Treasury – his group has already submitted a second bill and is intensively promoting it. However, it is not possible to feel that the depoliticisation of companies of the state's treasury is no longer specified a bearable slogan erstwhile power has been exercised for over a year and a half and erstwhile it has already been possible to reshuffle people cast there in the time of the l’ancien regiment on their protégés. Where the initiative takes place – as in the case of the creation of a deregulation squad initially signed with the name of the owner of InPost Rafał Brzoski, who signed out of participation at the end of May – seems like a blind shooting. The housing programme is not in the government's area of interest, and any discussion on the introduction of cadastral taxation ends with arguments specified as "let us not forbid Poles to get rich". In his brief speech following the announcement of the authoritative results of the presidential election, Donald Tusk assured that we would "get to work" (after a year and a half of government...), but I do not know if even his closest colleagues would be able to coherently convey what this occupation will be about.
The Adversary is always on the outside, and the Bible parable of the splinter in the eye of his neighbour is not out of fashion. The elites in their belief do not request to change anything, and the uneducated voting masses of populists are liable for any mistakes. The praise of meritocracy and the deep belief of liberal communities in its superiority both intellectual and cultural makes the classist intricacies, which prof. Markowski allows himself, talking about half of the society working on transfer classes from the second half (it is not amazing that it correlates this division to voters of Trzaskovsky and Nawrocki), not only are controversial words of the radical. They are a voiced, resensitized attitude towards voters who do not accept the same liberal optics. Even with specified a prospect, it is easy to see a serious inconsistency. Since the uneducated and intertwined Poland, according to them, managed to make a communicative allowing their candidate to win, would it not be reasonable to recognise that Poland has much more intellectual capital in the world, which could offer something better?
It turned out that it was not, due to the fact that the Trzaskowski environment as a method adopted a turn to the right and parroted the melded postulates of Nawrocki and Mentzen, hoping that somewhat alienated left-wingers would vote for him, due to the 2 wrongs better this way. But did anyone vote for Trzaskowski only after he threw the slogan about taking social benefits from Ukrainians? I uncertainty it. Those who sign on to specified demands have heard them much earlier and do not request Trzaskowski and his "moderate" credibility to have whom to vote for. Why buy Maxi Coke erstwhile there's cold Coke in the fridge? Hyperelity, like any intelligent character in the Bareia films, will live besieged by rudeness until the next election, which will most likely lose, and then again the period of emigration and the same tunes...
Michał Szymanski
Text header graphics: john dunbur from Pixabay
